고려 국가불교의례와 경행(經行)

강호선 ( Kang Ho Sun ) 한국사상사학회 2019 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.62

석가모니 이래 경행(經行)은 좌선(坐禪)에 수반되는 수행의 일환이었다. 오랜 전통을 가진 수행으로서의 경행이 신라를 거쳐 고려에서도 사찰에서 거행되는 가운데, 수행으로서의 경행과는 다른 전통을 가진 가구경행(街衢經行)이라는 의례가 고려전기 국가의례로 개최되었다. 현재까지 확인된 바로는 가구경행이라는 행사는 고려에서 처음 등장하는 것으로 보이는데 고려 정종(靖宗)때 상례화되었다. 가구경행을 경행이라고도 불렀으나, 의례로서의 경행은 출가자의 습선(習禪)에 수반되는 경행과는 개최 목적, 주체, 참여자 등 모든 면에서 전연 다른 전통을 가지고 있다. 고려시대 통상 매년 3월 정기적으로 개최되었던 가구경행은 왕명으로 시행되었고, 고위관료가 의례를 주관하였으며, 『반야경(般若經)』을 가마나 수레에 싣거나 머리에 이고 궁궐에서 출발하여 개경의 거리를 다니며 복을 비는 행사로 승려와 관료들이 행렬을 따랐다. 국왕이 친행하는 의례는 아니었으나 왕명에 의한 국가의례로 매년 정기적으로 개최되었던 고려의 가구경행은 다음과 같은 특징이 있다. 우선의식을 시작하기 전 경령전(景靈殿)에 경행 실시를 고하고 시작했다는 점에서 연등회나 팔관회처럼 태조신앙과도 관련된 의례이다. 또한 경전신앙에 바탕한 의례로, 특히 『반야경』 독송 공덕으로 기양하고자 하는 성격이 강하였다. 고려시대 가구경행은 개경 뿐만 아니라 지방의 읍치에서도 지방관의 주관하여 개최되었던 것도 특징이다. 가구경행은 조선건국 후 이를 혁파하자는 논의가 진행되는 가운데에서도 국행의례로 개최되다 세종 4년 폐지되었는데, 이 과정은 태종~세종초 국가의례 정비와 관련이 있었음을 반영하는 것이다. This article aims to investigate one of national Buddhist ritual during Goryeo and Early Joseon period, Gagu Gyeong-haeng(街衢經行). Originally, Gyeong-Haeng (經行, Cankama) is a Meditation practice from Sakyamuni Buddha in the Buddhist temple and meditation places in India and East Asia. Buddhist monks practiced it in the Silla and Goryeo Buddhist Temple also. However, the other Gyeong-haeng (Sutra parade) was begun in Goryeo dynasty as national ritual which held regularly every year by royal fiat. It is called Gagu Gyeong-haeng and has different tradition with Cankama. In March of lunar calendar, top government officials and Buddhist monks paraded streets in Gaegyeong, the capital of Goryeo. This parade started from palace, and people carried Prajuaparamita-sutra (般若經) on their head or cart or palanquin and they blessed and wished for disaster. The same ritual were held in the provinces managed by local office administrator. It was based on belief in Sutra especially charity of Prajuaparamita-sutra and shows characteristics of Buddhist ritual which held as national ritual in Gorye period. This Gagu Gyeong-haeng (Sutra parade) continued in Early Joseon Period as national ritual until King Sejong(世宗) formally repealed it in 1422.

宋ㆍ元代 水陸齋의 성립과 변천

姜好鮮(Kang Ho-sun) 역사학회 2010 역사학보 Vol.0 No.206

Buddhism that originally came from India, went through a series of transformations after it introduced to China. As a result, several Buddhist rituals that were so different from those of India appeared in China. The Buddhist Rite for the Beings of Water and Land(Shuiluzhai) was one of them. It was a kind of the Buddhist Rite of Making Offerings to Hungry Ghosts(Shieguihui), and at times it also served as a Rite for Salvation of the Dead(Jianduzhai). It was a product of a merge between the tradition of Shieguihui, the Repentance and Lustration Rite(Lichan) that had been honored by the Tiantai school, and also the Hell(Mingjie) belief which was based upon the King of the Mountain Tai(Taishanfujun) belief. Around the 10th century, Shuiluzhai was separated from Shieguihui that had earlier been introduced to the Dang Dynasty, and began to develop as an independent ritual, It mostly thrived in the Wuyue region the Jiangnan region around the Hangzhou province-, and the Tiantai school led the observation of such ritual. In Northern Sung dynasty, many types of manual for Shuiluzhai were created, and the narrative of the origin of Shuiluzhai -how the Empeor Wu in the Ryang dynasty first held the Buddhist Rite for the Beings of Water and Land- was eventually formed. With the origin and history both established, Shuiluzhai became a ritual that was equipped with both specific ritual procedures and a unique history. The tradition was inherited to the Southern Sung dynasty. The Emperor Wu story was recorded as a historical fact in the Comprehensive Record of Buddhas and Patriarichs(Fuzutongji) by the Tiantai master Zhipan, and manuals were compiled in the New Ritual text for the Rite of Water and Land(Shuiluxinyi). The Chan school also embraced Shuiluzhai. We can see such service spreaded throughout the entire Buddhist community of China, and with the Chan school's acceptance of the ritual, it thrived even more. With the advent of the Yuan dynasty, the ritual, which had earlier only remained inside the Jiangnan region, spreaded to the northern region as well, The Mountain Wutai of the Shanxi province became the new center for the ritual, and the royal family passionately patronized the ritual. Unlike the Northern Sung dynasty period, when the service was only held throughout royal dignitaries and some scholar officials, inside the Yuan dynasty, the rite was observed by most of the general population. In the end, it became a popular service that could represent the culture of China. As stated above, the ritual continued to develop and spread through-out China. In regional terms, it expanded from the south to the north, and in terms of schools it expanded from the Tiantai school to the Chan school. And it was observed not only among people in upper social classes, but also among people in the lower classes as well. The evolution of this ritual shows the changes that occurred in the Buddhist community of China, since the days of the Northern Sung dynasty through the days of the Yuan dynasty, Hopefully the attempts made in this article would serve as a springboard for enhancing future understanding of the nature of this ritual, which was also introduced to Korea during the Goryeo dynasty period.

13세기 江都 및 開京의 사찰 운영

강호선 ( Ho Sun Kang ) 대구사학회 2013 대구사학 Vol.110 No.-

고려시대 개경의 사찰과 흥국사(興國寺)

강호선 ( Kang Ho-sun ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.64

This study is focus on role of Buddhist temple in Gaegyoung, the capital of Goryeo through looking into Heong’gook-sa Temple(興國寺) and its 5-story stupa which made by Kang Gamchan(姜邯贊). Heong’gook-sa Temple was established in Gaegyoung by King Tae-jo. This temple was located in the middle of the capital and the distance from the royal palace was the closest. In 1021, Kang Gamchan established 5-story stupa and engraved 38-letters on the stupa. This construction of stupa in Heong’gook-sa Temple(興國寺 石塔) was related to King Hyeon-jong’s construction of Hyeonhwa-sa Temple(玄化寺) for his parents who had passed away. This short epigraph shows Bureaucrats’ faith in Buddhism such as disciples Bodhisattva precepts(菩薩戒弟子) title. Heong’gook-sa Temple were mainly places where bureaucrats operated. Especially, on the King’s natal day(節日) bureaucrats held a ceremony to the Buddha for the king and celebrated his birth. In case of drought, bureaucrats prayed for rain to the Buddha in Heong’gook-sa Temple. There were also an official ordination platform in Heong’gook-sa Temple. In the late Goryeo period, important political discussions were underway in Heong’gook-sa Temple, and it was a place where scholars read Confucian texts or prepared civil service examination.

고려불교사에서의 구산선문 개념 검토

강호선 ( Kang Ho-sun ) 한국사상사학회 2021 韓國思想史學 Vol.- No.69

오교구산(五敎九山)은 포광 김영수 이래 고려시대 불교를 이해하는 하나의 틀이었다. 선종 구산문의 성립은 신라하대 수용된 선종이 나말여초 사회변동 속에서 각 지역에 자리를 잡는 과정이자 결과였고, 고려불교의 시작을 알리는 상징과도 같은 사건이었다. 김영수가 고려선종사를 구산문으로 설명한 이래, 교과서는 물론이고 여러 개설서에서 나말여초불교의 변화 및 고려 선종을 구산선문[선문구산]으로 설명해 왔다. 『고려사』나 금석문 등 당대 사료에 구산이라는 용어는 여러 차례 나오지만, 이것이 아홉개의 개별산문이라는 의미로 사용되었던 사례는 찾기 어렵다. 1084년(선종 1) 구산 문도들도 3년에 한번씩 승과를 볼 수 있게 했다는 『고려사』의 기록이 현재까지 확인되는 “구산문”에 대한 가장 오랜 것이며, 현재 알려진 아홉 개의 산문과 그 개산조는 『선문조사예참의문(禪門祖師禮懺儀文)』에 처음 정리되어 있다. 구산은 승과시행과 불교교단 정비로 대표되는 고려전기 승정 확립 과정과 밀접한 관련이 있는 것으로 보인다. 특히 의천의 천태종 개창으로 인한 선종계의 변화를 반영하듯 고려중기 이후 “조계종”이라는 말과 함께 사용되면서 사굴산문, 가지산문, 성주산문 등 산문의식을 드러내는 양상을 보이고 있는 것도 주목된다. 또한 고려후기 자료에서의 구산은 아홉개의 개별산문이 아니라 당시 선종 전체를 아우르는 개념으로 사용되고 있는 점도 특징이어서 구산은 나말여초 성립된 여러 산문들이 고려시대 겪었던 변화와 승정을 체계화하는 과정에서 나타난 고려적인 요소로 볼 수 있으며, 승정이라는 측면에서 승과와 관련된 “구산선(九山選)”에도 주목할 필요가 있다. 구산선문은 실제 아홉 개의 산문이 고려시대 내내 모두 존속했느냐의 여부보다 고려시대 선종교단의 존재양태를 이해하는데 유의미한 개념으로 볼 수 있다. Five Teachings and Nine Seon Schools(五敎九山) is a framework for understanding Buddhism during the Goryo period, as Kim Yougsu(金映遂) put it into concept in 1920’s. Nine Seon Schools were established in the process by which Seon Buddhism accepted from Tang China by Shilla Seon monks was established in the Late-Shilla and Early Goryo Society. It meant a symbolic event to mark a departure of Korean Seon Buddhism. Many books and papres explained on Korean Buddhism as Nine Seon Schools meant the number actual 9. There are also Nine Moutains(九山, the same concept witn Nine Seon Schools) in the History of Goryo(高麗史, Goryosa), stele and colleciton of literary works of Goryo period. However it does not mean the actual numer. The earlist record on names of actual Nine Seon schools and the founder of each school was Sunmunjosayecham-uimun(禪門祖師禮懺儀文, the Ritual Book for the Zen and Seon Masters). The book is estimated to have been written Mid-Goryo Period. The term “Nine Mountails(九山)” was also used as a concept to represent the entire Seon(JoGye) School at the time. The term of “Nine Seon Schools”, i.e. “Nine Mountains” should be examined in conjunction with Buddhist policy(僧政) in terms related to Seungkwa(僧科, State examination for Buddhist Monks).

고려말 선승(禪僧)의 입원유력(入元遊歷)과 원(元) 청규(淸規)의 수용

강호선 ( Ho Sun Kang ) 한국사상사학회 2012 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.40

太古普愚(1301~1382), 懶翁慧勤(1320~1376), 白雲景閑(1298~1374) 등 고려말 대표적인 선승들에 의한 원나라 淸規의 수용과 실천시도는 看話禪風의 수용과 함께 당시의 가장 보편적인 불교가 고려사회에 들어온 것이었다. 간화선과 청규는 원나라 선종의 양대 기둥인데, 이 두 가지는 시차를 두고 고려불교계에 수용되었다. 간화선풍의 수용과 확산이 고려 선종 교단 내부에서 13세기 말부터 일어난 변화라고 한다면 청규의 시행은 공민왕대 王師-보우와 혜근-에 의해 이루어졌는데, 왕사였던 보우와 혜근, 그리고 왕사는 아니나 청규실천을 중시했던 경한이 모두 원에 유학하며 강남지역 불교를 경험했다는 점이 주목된다. 보우와 혜근은 모두 왕사에 임명된 이후 청규를 시행하거나 청규의 실천과 확산을 강조했다. 이는 청규실천을 통한 불교 개혁에는 불교교단 뿐만 아니라 국가의 의지도 반영되었음을 보여준다. 그리고 공민왕의 후원 아래 왕사인 보우와 혜근이 실제 교단 및 禪刹 운영에 적극적으로 도입하고자 했던 『勅修百丈淸規』가 국가주의적 성격을 강하게 띄고 있었고, 寺院에 대한 국가의 통제와 관련된다는 점에서 공민왕의 개혁정치 및 왕권강화와도 연결되는 바가 있다. 공민왕대 청규에 바탕하여 불교교단을 변화시키고자 했던 불교계의 시도는 결실을 맺지는 못했고, 국가주의적 성격이 강하다는 점에서 한계를 갖고 있다. 그러나 고려말 불교교단 내에서 스스로 변화의 조짐을 보였고, 이를 통해 공민왕의 불교개혁의 방향성을 읽을 수 있다는 점에서 보우와 혜근을 중심으로 한 청규의 시행은 의미를 갖는다. The most renowned Seon Monks in the final days of the Goryeo dynasty, such as Tae`go Bo`wu, Na`ong Hye`geun, Baeg`un Gyeong`han, all adopted the so-called "Pure Rules(淸規)" from the Yuan empire. They embraced these "Rules" alongside the Gan`hwa Seon(看話禪), and tried to train themselves by them, which were regarded as the epitome of universal Buddhism at the time. Gan`hwa Seon and the "Pure Rules" were the two essential elements of the Zen Buddhism believed by the Mongol Yuan people, and were embraced by the Goryeo people as well, yet at different time points. The Gan`hwa Seon was introduced to the Goryeo people and then became quite popular throughout the Goryeo Seon Buddhist society in the ending days of the 13th century, yet the adoption of the "Pure Rules" were led by the Royal Preceptors(王師) such as Bo`wu and Hye`geun, during King Gongmin-wang`s reign. Both Bo`wu and Hye`geun either officially enacted the "Pure Rules" or passionately argued its values, after they were named as Royal Preceptors. And Gyeong`han, who was not a Royal Preceptor, emphasized the importance of abiding by the "Pure Rules" too. All of them once visited the Yuan empire, and experienced the Buddhist traditions of the Chinese Jiangnan region during their stay. Bo`wu and Hye`geun`s emphasis upon the "Pure Rules" in particular, shows us that the installation of the "Rules" and efforts to reform the Buddhist community based upon those rules, was not only the will of the Buddhist society but also the will of the government as well. With Gongmin-wang`s support, Royal Preceptors like Bo`wu and Hye`geun tried to run the Buddhist community and individual monasteries based upon Pure Rules compiled by the order of the Emperor(勅修百丈淸規), so such adoption of the "Pure Rules" had to strongly reflect the government`s agenda and interest, which would ultimately lead to the government`s control of the Buddhist temples. In that regard, the adoption of "Pure Rules" was clearly related to King Gongmin-wang`s plans for dynastic reform, and his efforts to reinforce his own authority. Yet such attempts to bring reforms upon the Goryeo Buddhist community based on such "Pure Rules" during King Gongmin-wang`s reign did not succeed. And unfortunately it was an attempt launched by the government rather than the Buddhist community itself. But the Royal Preceptors were involved, so we could say that they indeed wished to pursue a meaningful change. Bo`wu and Hye`geun`s embracement of the "Rules" shows us what were the objectives of King Gongmin-wang`s Buddhism reforms, and what was the direction.

조선전기 국가의례 정비와 ‘국행’수륙재의 변화

강호선 ( Kang Ho-sun ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2017 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.44

불교의례인 수륙재는 고려시대 중국에서 수용한 이래 14세기 본격적으로 설행되었는데, 왕실에서는 국행의례 혹은 내행의례로도 설행되었다. 조선건국 후에는 고려에서 설행되던 불교적인 국가의례가 혁파되었음에도 수륙재는 왕명에 의해 정기적인 설행을 보장받은 공식적인 불교의례로 개최되었다. 수륙재 설행에서 나타나는 변화는 조선전기 국가의례가 유교의례로 정리되는 속에서 일부 불교의례가 어떻게 존속되었고, 그리고 어떤 과정을 거쳐 마침내 국행의례로서의 지위를 잃어가는지를 잘 보여준다. 특히 태종과 세종대 이러한 변화가 확인되는데, 태종대 처음 시작되었던 厲祭의 도입과 설행, 천도재와 기신재를 수륙재로 지내도록 정리한 세종대의 조처에서 잘 드러난다. 본 연구에서는 이처럼 조선전기 국행수륙재의 운영과 변천 그리고 폐지의 문제는 전반적인 국가의례정비라는 차원에서 살펴볼 필요가 있다는 점에 주목하였다. 이러한 변화는 설행일자의 변경, 국행수륙사의 존치, 천도재와 기신재가 수륙재로 정리되는 과정, 그리고 기양의례가 수륙재에서 여제로 바뀌어 나가는 과정에서 잘 드러난다. 고려의 주요 국가불교의례가 혁파되는 가운데 고려 왕씨의 명복을 빌기 위한 명분으로 1365년(태조 4) 왕명으로 처음 설행된 국행수륙재는 春冬에 설행되는 정기의례였다. 이 수륙재는 폐지된 前朝의 국가 불교의례를 대체하는 기능도 하였다. 그리고, 세종대 국행수륙재는 春秋의례로 변화되었음이 확인된다. 또한 태종대 『洪武禮制』가 정착되면서 기양의례로서 여제가 설행되었고, 세종대는 오례중심으로 다시 국가의례가 정비되던 시기로 정기의례로서의 수륙재에 대한 관심보다 여제에 상응하는 기양의례로서의 수륙재에 대한 관심이 오히려 많았던 시기이다. 이러한 국가의례정비과정에서 수륙재를 중심으로 불교의례가 정비 되었으나 결국 祀典에 수륙재가 들어가지 못하게 되면서 마침내 수륙재는 국가의례로서의 위상을 잃게 되었다. The purpose of this study is to analyze the process in which the Suryukjae ritual(水陸齋) operated and changed in terms of establishment of national ritual during early Joseon dynasty. After foundation of Joseon, most of the important national Buddhist rituals, such as Lotus lantern ritual(燃燈會) and One hundred high seat ritual(百高座會), held in Goryeo were abolished. Instead, King Taejo, who founded Joseon, held Suryukjae as a national ritual for the purpose of worshiping Goryeo Wang royal family, and he held this ritual regularly in spring and winter. By the way, during King Taejong’s reign, in the process of accepting Hongmu reign’s ritual protocols(洪武禮制) and improving the national ritual, there was a change in the Suryukjae. From that time, Yeojae(厲祭), confucian ritual, was accepted with Hongmu reign’s ritual protocols, and King Sejong recognized Yeojae as the same rituals as Suryukjae. Suryukjae had undergone a great change at the time of King Sejong. The time of the event was changed from spring and winter to spring and summer, and Buddhist rituals for the dead(忌晨齋, 追薦齋) were held only Suryukjae. In the end, the role of Suryukjae as ritual for deterring calamities for the lonely ghosts having no ritual was also replaced by Yeojae. Moreover, King Sejong’s publication of national ritual manual Olyeyi(五禮儀) and King Seongjong’s publication of Gukjo-olyeyi(國朝五禮儀) made Suryukjae lost its status as a national rite.

고려전기 “사장(寺匠)”의 존재 양태 -백사(伯士)의 사용과 소멸-

강호선 ( Kang Ho Sun ) 한국사상사학회 2016 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.54

본 연구는 고려전기 승장(僧匠)의 칭호 변화를 살펴봄으로써 고려의 국가체제 정비 특히 승정(僧政)의 확립이라는 문제와 긴밀하게 연결되어 있음을 밝히고자 한 것이다. 고려전기 승장의 칭호 변화는 나말여초부터 시작된 장인(匠人)의 위상변화와 고려전기 승정의 확립이라는 사건이 교차되는 지점에서 발생하였다. 삼국시대부터 고급 기술을 가진전문 장인들과 비기술계 전문관료들이 공유하던 칭호인 박사(博士)는 기술계 장인과 관료를 구분하는 과정에서 점차 백사(伯士)로 바뀌게 되고, 다시 모장(某匠)으로 바뀌어 갔다. 그리고 고려에서는 단일화된 공장(工匠)의 칭호로 편제되었고, 상층 장인의 경우에는 관료제도 속에서 운영되게 되었다. 이러한 변화는 승장에게서도 확인되는데, 승장에 대한 칭호도 고려전기 백사에서 장(匠)으로 일원화 되고 있다. 이와 관련하여 현종대는 매우 주목되는 시기이다. 불국사 서석탑(西石塔) [석가탑]에서 발견된 일련의 묵서지편이나 정도사(淨兜寺) 오층석탑형지기(五層石塔形止記) 등 11세기 전반의 자료에는 백사를 칭하는 승장들 중 승계를 지닌 이들이 처음으로 확인되며, 12세기 자료부터는 더 이상 백사라는 칭호는 나오지 않는 대신 승장은 “모장”으로 불렸다. 한편, 승장에게서 나타나는 이와 같은 현상은 고려전기 승정의 정비와 함께 사찰 운영 조직인 삼강(三剛)이 사라지고 승계로 대체되는 것과 시기적으로 궤를 같이 한다. 결국 이러한 모습은 고려의 승정이 중앙은 물론이고 지방사찰에까지 영향력을 미치고 있음을 보여주는 것이라고 할 수 있다. This research is about monk artisan(僧匠) in early Goryeo period. During Three Kingdoms period, Baksa(博士) was the official title of high leveled technicians and government officials. However, as time went on, the government official monopolized Baksa, and artisans were titled as Baiksa(伯士) or Jang(匠). Especially, during Goryeo, Baiksa was disappeared and artisans could used only Jang title. I observed that monk artisans went through the same changes with common artisans. The monk artisans not only titled as Jang not Baiksa, some of them received Seungkye(official rank of monk). In two records such as the documents found in Shakamuni stupa(釋迦塔 墨書紙片) which written in 11th century and the rear record of stele of National Preceptor Daegak at Yeongtong Temple(靈通寺 大覺國師碑陰記) which erected in 12th century, I could find above-mentioned changes were happened to monk artisans and these changes were deeply involved in government`s effort to strengthen its influence to Buddhist order. The turning point of these changes was King Hyunjong(顯宗)`s reign.

조선전기 왕실원찰 견성암(見性庵)의 조성과 기능

강호선(Kang, Ho-Sun) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2015 서울학연구 Vol.- No.59

It was believed that the Bongeun-sa Temple(奉恩寺) was established by monk Yoenhoi(緣會國師) at the reign of King Wonseong-wang in the unified Shilla and the first name of it was Gyeoseng-sa(見性寺), ever since the Historical records on the Bongeunsa Temple and other temples belonged it(奉恩寺本末事蹟) was written in 1940’s. But that kind of Shilla origin was not true. The aim of this research lies in surveying the historical status and role of Gyeonsengam(見性庵), i.e. Gyeonseong-sa(見性寺) and correcting the pre-history of Bongeun-sa Temple(奉恩寺), Mt. Soodosan修道山(present-day Samsung-dong, Kangnam-gu, Seoul, Korea). Although Joseon sustained anti-Buddhist policy, the royal family still kept Buddhist faith and found so-called royal Buddhist temples(王室願堂, 願刹) and sponsored them. Most of such royal temples were founded close to royal tombs and they were center of Buddhism in early Joeson period. Gyeonseong-am was the forerunner of Bongeunsa Temple. It was built to pray for the repose of the late prince Gwangpyong(廣平大君), who was the 5th son of the King Sejong and a brother of the King Sejo, by his widow Lady Shin(申氏) close to his tomb. Buddhist rituals held in Gyeonseog-am was sponsored by not only the Lady Shin but also other royal family members especially Sejo’s Queen and his sister and brothers. In addition, famous monks such as Shinmee(信眉), Hakyoul(學悅) were also participate in the Buddhist ritual in Gyeonseng-am. These royal ladies also printed sturas with wood-block print in the Gyeonseng-am. These printed sutras were very significant that there were lots of re-printed version of these Gyeonseng-am’s printing version sutras in the late Joseon dynasty. In 1495, the King Seongjong died, and the prince Gwangpyong’s tomb was moved other province, Seongjong’s tomb(i.e. Seon-neung 宣陵) was built at the very site. From then, the role of Gyeonseng-am was changed. It became royal memorial Temple for praying for Seongjong. Finally, in 1499, the Temple was moved to nearby area and the name of it was officially changed as Bongeun-sa Temple.

CNN 기반 주행 중인 차량 간 상대속도 추정 알고리즘

강호선(Ho-sun Kang),옥용진(Yong-jin Ock),이장명(Jang-Myung Lee) 제어로봇시스템학회 2021 제어·로봇·시스템학회 논문지 Vol.27 No.1

In this paper, we proposed an estimation algorithm of the relative velocity between two driving vehicles based on CNN(Convolutional Neural Network), as the perception of the surrounding environment around an autonomous car, such as distance and speed of other vehicles, is important. The proposed algorithm estimated the velocity of a target vehicle by using a stereo camera without any other sensors. A stereo camera is a sensor that acquires simultaneously RGB images and depth maps, and it is widely used for autonomous vehicles to obtain various information. The developed CNN-based semantic segmentation model with high speed and accuracy was used to recognize the target vehicle, detecting the shape of the target object and omitting background information around it. Due to this effect, the distance between the autonomous vehicle and target vehicle is more accurately estimated. The relative speed between each vehicle was estimated using the distance and time difference between frames. The performance of the proposed algorithm was compared with conventional methods and it was confirmed that the speed of the target vehicle was more accurately estimated using only the stereo camera.