Die Entwicklung der Parteiensysteme in den neuen Bundesländern nach der deutschen Vereinigung

Ralf Havertz 한독사회과학회 2010 한독사회과학논총 Vol.20 No.4

이 논문의 목적은 통일 이후 독일의 5개 신연방주에서 전개된 정당체제 와 정당의 발전을 분석하는 데 있다. 이를 위해 이 논문은 먼저 앨런 웨어(Alan Ware)에 의해 발전된 정당체제 유형, 즉 의회에서 대변하고 있는 정당의 숫자가 특별한 중요성을 갖는 정당체제 유형을 고찰한다. 다음으로는 지난 20년간에 걸친 신연방주의 정당체제의 발전에 대한 분석을 진행하며, 이러한 분석을 바탕으로 신연방주에서의 정당체제 발전이 보여주고 있는 특징들에 대한 분류를 시도한다. 이때 신연방주의 정당체제가 정당의 숫자, 휘발성(Volatilit?t) 및 비대칭성(Asymmetrie) 같은 각 측면과 관련하여 서로 비교될 뿐만 아니라, 구서독의 주들에서의 정당체제 및 서독의 연방의회 같은 연방적 차원에서의 역사적 사례들과도 비교가 이루어진다. 나아가 각 정당이 동독의 주들에서 치러진 주의회 선거에서 어떤 결과를 얻었는지를 살펴보고 그 성공과 실패의 원인을 탐색한다. 그리고 마지막으로는 일반적 경향의 윤곽을 그리는 한편으로 앞으로 예상되는 정당체제의 발전에 대해 간략히 언급한다.

The Constitution of Europe and Supranational Democracy: Jürgen Habermas’s Vision of the European Union

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국외국어대학교 EU연구소 2021 EU연구 Vol.- No.58

The Treaty of Lisbon has advanced European integration and brought about many institutional changes. But to the eminent German philosopher Jürgen Habermas it is a process that has stalled halfway and which is threatened to be reversed or remain unfinished due to forces of globalization and re-nationalization that pull into different directions. Since the 1990s, Habermas was among those most vocal in support of a European Constitution. In many of his works Habermas focused on the question how European integration can be designed in order to establish a supranational democracy without creating a federal state and provide the project of the EU with the highest possible level of legitimacy. The article investigates the individual elements which Habermas deemed necessary to secure that legitimacy. This involves a number of concepts that are central to Habermas’s thinking on Europe: “constitutional patriotism,” the “double sovereign,” the “European public sphere,” and a “Europe of different speeds.” This study analyzes the meaning which these concepts have in Habermas’s approach and it gives a broad overview over the critical responses to his ideas on Europe and the debate on the future of Europe which was initiated by Habermas. It concludes with the finding that Habermas may be overly optimistic about the prospects of a further federalization and democratization of the EU.

AfD, the political arm of the intellectual New Right in Germany?

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국유럽학회 2017 유럽연구 Vol.35 No.2

This article investigates the relationship between the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the New Right. The German New Right is an influential right-wing network of intellectuals that emerged in the end of the 1960s and which, until recently, had no clear attachment to a political party and whose political views cover a wide range of positions on the political right. Their main publication is the weekly newspaper Junge Freiheit (JF). Some analysts observed that AfD and New Right have forged close ties since the foundation of the party in 2013. To date, there has been no in-depth study of the relations between the party and this group of intellectuals. This study is filling the gap in the literature with an analysis of the coverage of the AfD in JF and the contributions which high-ranking members of the party made to the publication. Content analysis is used as a method that allows a deeper understanding of these articles in their specific contexts. A brief account of the AfD as a rightwing populist party is given. This is complemented by an analysis of the New Right as an ideological formation that is located somewhere between neo-conservatism and right-wing extremism. It was found that JF supported the development of the AfD from its very beginnings and that representatives of the party got much room to explain their views, strategies and goals in this newspaper. There are many communalities in the ideological positions and goals of the intellectual New Right and the AfD. Therefore, the AfD can be seen as the political arm of the intellectual New Right.

South Korea in the eyes of the German newspaper “Süddeutsche Zeitung”

Ralf Havertz 한독사회과학회 2015 한독사회과학논총 Vol.25 No.1

이 연구는 1997년에서 2014년에 걸쳐 독일 일간지“쥐트도이체 차이퉁”이 한국에 관해 어떻게 보도했는가를 검토한다. 쥐트도이체 차이퉁은 독일의 주요 일간지 가운데 하나로, 이 연구의 목적은 쥐트도이체 차이퉁이 한국에 관해 보도할 때 어떤 일반적 경향이 있는지 그리고 한국을 재현할 때 어떤 오류가 있는지를 밝히는 것이다. 분석에서는 양적 방법과 질적 방법을 사용하였다. 먼저 정치, 경제 그리고 문화 같은 서로 다른 분야에서의 보도의 빈도를 살펴본 결과, 쥐트도이체 차이퉁이 한국에 관해 보도할 때는 중점을 두는 특정 분야들이 있다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 저자들은 주로 한국의 정치와 경제에 관해 기사를 썼다. 다음으로 질적 연구는 특히 미디어 프레임과 아젠다 세팅 분석을 포함하는 개별 기사의 내용 분석에 초점을 맞추었다. 한국의 문화, 특히 한국의 영화산업은 지난 10년 동안에 다루어지는 빈도수가 크게 늘어났다. 연구결과 전체적으로 몇몇 기사만이 편향되어 있었고, 대부분의 기사는 균형이 잡혀 있었으며 한국, 한국의 정치, 경제 및 문화에 대한 깊이있는 지식에 기초해 있었다. This study examines the coverage of South Korea in the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) in the time period between 1997 and 2014. The paper is one of the media of record in Germany. The goal of the study is to find out if there is a general tendency in the reporting about the country and if there are any mistakes in the representation of the country. The analysis makes use of quantitative and qualitative methods. This involves the investigation of the frequency of reports in different fields such as politics, economy, and culture. It has been found that there are specific fields which the SZ emphasizes when reporting on South Korea. Its authors primarily write about the politics and the economy of the country. The qualitative research, especially, focuses on the content analysis of individual articles which involves the analysis of media frames and of agenda-setting. The culture of the country, particularly its movie industry, has been of increasing importance in the last ten years. The study found that only few articles were biased. In this regard the findings of this study differ from the results of former studies which found a rather strong negative bias in the reporting of western media on the country. The large majority of articles in the SZ were balanced and based on a deep knowledge of the country, its politics, economy, and culture.

The Image of South Korea in the German Newspaper Berliner Zeitung, 1945-2014

Ralf Havertz 한국유럽학회 2015 유럽연구 Vol.33 No.4

이 논문은 1945년에서 2014년에 걸쳐 독일 일간지 “베를리너 차이퉁”이 한국에 관해 보도한 기사들을 검토함으로써, 베를리너 차이퉁이 독자들에게 한국과 관련해 어떤이미지를 제공했는지를 분석한다. 이런 맥락에서 지배적인 토픽은 무엇이었고, 정치, 경제, 문화를 비롯한 어떤 분야에서 주로 기사들이 게재되었는지, 한국에 관한 기사들이 주로 신문사에 의해 고용된 저자들에 의해 쓰여졌는지 아니면 뉴스 에이전시들로부터 전달받은 것인지를 살펴본다. 이 논문은 또한 베를리너 차이퉁에 실린 기사들의 유형에도 관심을 기울여, 한국에 관한 보도에서 특별한 경향이 발견되는지, 그런 경향에 중요한 변화가 있는지를 탐색한다. 이를 위해 프레임 분석을 핵심으로 하는 콘텐츠 분석을 시도한다. 분석 결과, 대부분의 기사들은 정치적 이슈에 관한 것이었고, 동독시절(1949-1990)에는 기사들의 대다수가 부정적인 톤을 띄고 있었다. 그러나 독일 통일 이후에는 기사들이 보다 객관적이고 중립적으로 변화되었다. 1990년 이후에는 또한 기사들이 보다 다양해졌는데, 1990년 이전에는 거의 모든 기사들이 정치적 이슈에 관한 것이었던 반면, 1990년 이후에는 한국의 경제, 문화 및 사회에 보다 많은 주의가 기울여졌다. This study is focused on the examination of the reports which Berliner Zeitung published on South Korea in the years 1945 to 2014. The goal of this research is to determine what image of South Korea Berliner Zeitung created for its readers. Which were the dominant topics and in what fields, politics, economy, culture and so on, were the respective articles published? Were the articles on South Korea primarily written by authors employed by the newspaper or were most of them adopted from news agencies? The study is also interested in the types of articles that were published in Berliner Zeitung. It attempts to find out whether there was a specific tendency in the reporting on South Korea and if there were any significant changes in that tendency. For the latter a content analysis had to be conducted, with a frame analysis at its center. The study found that most articles were published on political issues. During the time of the GDR (1949-1990) the large majority of the articles had a negative tone. This changed after German reunification when articles became more objective and primarily neutral. The study also found that articles became much more diverse after 1990. While before 1990 almost all articles were written on political issues, after 1990, the economy, culture, and society of South Korea attracted more attention of Berliner Zeitung.

The Image of South Korea in the German Newspaper Berliner Zeitung, 1945-2014

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한국유럽학회 2015 유럽연구 Vol.33 No.4

This study is focused on the examination of the reports which Berliner Zeitung published on South Korea in the years 1945 to 2014. The goal of this research is to determine what image of South Korea Berliner Zeitung created for its readers. Which were the dominant topics and in what fields, politics, economy, culture and so on, were the respective articles published? Were the articles on South Korea primarily written by authors employed by the newspaper or were most of them adopted from news agencies? The study is also interested in the types of articles that were published in Berliner Zeitung. It attempts to find out whether there was a specific tendency in the reporting on South Korea and if there were any significant changes in that tendency. For the latter a content analysis had to be conducted, with a frame analysis at its center. The study found that most articles were published on political issues. During the time of the GDR (1949-1990) the large majority of the articles had a negative tone. This changed after German reunification when articles became more objective and primarily neutral. The study also found that articles became much more diverse after 1990. While before 1990 almost all articles were written on political issues, after 1990, the economy, culture, and society of South Korea attracted more attention of Berliner Zeitung.

Postfaktische Zeiten. Die populistische Zurichtung der Wirklichkeit

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2017 한독사회과학논총 Vol.27 No.4

This paper explores the relationship between the rising populism in Western countries and the increase of incorrect or misleading news in media, especially social media. First, this paper attempts to explain the concepts of populism and right-wing populism. This is based on the theoretical approaches of Mudde and Kaltwasser, Albertazzi and McDonnell, Priester, and Muller. Populism is understood as an ideology at the core of which are the “people” as main category. It argues that the “people” must be defended against a corrupt elite. Populists pose as the only legitimate representatives of the people, who are imagined as a homogenous entity. This study assumes that there have been extensive changes in the relationship between truth and reality and that they have much to do with strong use of social media such as Facebook and Twitter by populists. It allows populists to communicate directly with the users of social networks. They do no longer need television and radio to communicate with their followers. Their ideal is direct communication with the mass public that results in a transformation of the abstract mass into a concrete mass. In respect to the discussion on what to do about fake news this paper takes a position against any legal regulation. It would be more desirable to focus on education to improve the media competence of media users. Der Artikel untersucht den Zusammenhang zwischen dem aufkommenden Populismus in den Ländern des Westens und der Zunahme von falschen oder irreführenden Nachrichten in den Medien, insbesondere den sozialen Medien. Zunächst wird das Verständnis dargelegt, dass dieser Artikel von den Begriffen Populismus und Rechtspopulismus hat. Dabei stützt sich diese Studie vor allem auf Theorien von Mudde und Kaltwasser, Albertazzi und McDonnell, Priester und Müller. Populismus wird als Ideologie verstanden, deren zentrale Kategorie das „Volk“ ist, das der Populismus behauptet, gegen eine korrupte Elite verteidigen zu müssen. Er erhebt einen exklusiven Anspruch auf die Vertretung des „Volkes“, das er als homogene Einheit mit einem einheitlichen Willen vorstellt. Diese Studie geht weiterhin davon aus, dass es eine weitreichende Veränderung im Verständnis von Wahrheit und Realität gegeben hat und dass diese Veränderung viel mit der starken Nutzung sozialer Medien wie Facebook und Twitter durch Populisten zu tun hat. Populisten können über soziale Netzwerke direkt zu den mit ihnen verbundenen Nutzern dieser Netzwerke sprechen. Intermediäre Medien wie Fernsehen und Radio werden von Populisten für die Kommunikation mit ihren Followern nicht mehr gebraucht. Ihr Ideal ist die direkte Kommunikation mit der Masse, die dadurch eine Transformation von der abstrakten zur konkreten Masse erfährt. In der Diskussion darüber, was gegen Fake News unternommen werden kann, stellt der Artikel sich gegen eine gesetzliche Regelung. Vielmehr setzt er auf Bildung, die zu einer Erhöhung der Medienkompetenz unter den Mediennutzern führen sollte.

South Korea in the eyes of the German newspaper“Süddeutsche Zeitung”

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2015 한독사회과학논총 Vol.25 No.1

This study examines the coverage of South Korea in the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) in the time period between 1997 and 2014. The paper is one of the media of record in Germany. The goal of the study is to find out if there is a general tendency in the reporting about the country and if there are any mistakes in the representation of the country. The analysis makes use of quantitative and qualitative methods. This involves the investigation of the frequency of reports in different fields such as politics, economy, and culture. It has been found that there are specific fields which the SZ emphasizes when reporting on South Korea. Its authors primarily write about the politics and the economy of the country. The qualitative research, especially, focuses on the content analysis of individual articles which involves the analysis of media frames and of agenda-setting. The culture of the country, particularly its movie industry, has been of increasing importance in the last ten years. The study found that only few articles were biased. In this regard the findings of this study differ from the results of former studies which found a rather strong negative bias in the reporting of western media on the country. The large majority of articles in the SZ were balanced and based on a deep knowledge of the country, its politics, economy, and culture.

Postfaktische Zeiten. Die populistische Zurichtung der Wirklichkeit

Ralf Havertz 한독사회과학회 2017 한독사회과학논총 Vol.27 No.4

이 논문은 서방(西方)에서의 포퓰리즘의 부상과 미디어, 특히 소셜 미디어에서의 잘못된 혹은 오도된 뉴스의 증가 간의 관계를 탐색한다. 먼저 이 논문은 포퓰리즘과 우파포퓰리즘 개념을 설명하고자 시도한다. 이는 무데와 칼트바써(Mudde und Kaltwasser), 알베르타찌와 맥도넬(Albertazzi und McDonnell), 프리스터와 뮐러(Priester und Müller)의 이론적 접근들에 기초한다. 포퓰리즘은 일종의 이데올로기로, 그 핵심에는 “국민”이 주요 카테고리로 자리한다. 포퓰리즘은 부패한 엘리트에 대항해 “국민”을 방어해 야 한다고 주장한다. 포퓰리즘은 “국민”을 단일한 의지를 갖는 동질적인 단위로 상상하며, “국민”의 대리인으로서의 자격을 배타적으로 요구한다. 다음으로 이 연구는 진실과 현실에 대한 이해에 있어 광범위한 변형이 이루어졌고, 이러한 변형은 포퓰리즘 및 포퓰리즘에 의해 사용된 페이스북과 트위터 같은 소셜 미디어와 많은 관련이 있다고 주장한다. 포퓰리즘은 사회적 네트워크를 거쳐 자신과 연결된 이러한 네트워크의 사용자들과 직접 의사소통을 할 수 있다. 텔레비전과 라디오 같은 중간 미디어는 포퓰리즘이 그들의 팔로워와 의사소통을 하는 데 있어 더 이상 활용되지 않는다. 그들의 이상은 대중과의 직접적인 의사소통이며, 이제 대중은 직접적인 의사소통을 통해 추상적 대중에서 구체적 대중으로의 전환을 경험한다. 가짜 뉴스에 대항해 어떤 행동이 취해져야 하는지에 대한 논의와 관련해 이 논문은 법적인 규제보다는 미디어의 능력을 향상시키는 것이 더 바람직하다고 본다. This paper explores the relationship between the rising populism in Western countries and the increase of incorrect or misleading news in media, especially social media. First, this paper attempts to explain the concepts of populism and right-wing populism. This is based on the theoretical approaches of Mudde and Kaltwasser, Albertazzi and McDonnell, Priester, and Muller. Populism is understood as an ideology at the core of which are the “people” as main category. It argues that the “people” must be defended against a corrupt elite. Populists pose as the only legitimate representatives of the people, who are imagined as a homogenous entity. This study assumes that there have been extensive changes in the relationship between truth and reality and that they have much to do with strong use of social media such as Facebook and Twitter by populists. It allows populists to communicate directly with the users of social networks. They do no longer need television and radio to communicate with their followers. Their ideal is direct communication with the mass public that results in a transformation of the abstract mass into a concrete mass. In respect to the discussion on what to do about fake news this paper takes a position against any legal regulation. It would be more desirable to focus on education to improve the media competence of media users.

Die rechtspopulistische Partei AfD in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Eine vergleichende Studie

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2016 한독사회과학논총 Vol.26 No.4

The article examines whether the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) is limited to only one part of Germany – that is, whether it is more of an East German or West German party – or if it is an all-German phenomenon. The study starts out explaining why the term right-wing populism is applicable to the party AfD. It includes an analysis of the roots of the AfD in other populist parties, in particular, the parties Bund Freier Bürger (Association of Free Citizens), Die Freiheit (The Freedom), and the Schill-Party. The party leaders will be examined regarding their origin from Eastern and Western Germany. The election results of the AfD in European, federal and state elections in East and West Germany are being compared. A similar comparison is carried out regarding party membership and the electoral potential of the party. These factors are examined regarding their strength in East and West Germany and subjected to a comparison, respectively. The study concludes that the party AfD is not limited to one part of the Federal Republic of Germany. It is an all-German phenomenon. Overall, we can say, however, that it, relative to the size of the population of East and West Germany, has a stronger electoral potential and more support in East Germany than in West Germany. Der Artikel untersucht, inwiefern die rechtspopulistische Partei Alternative für Deutschland eher auf nur einen Teil Deutschlands beschränkt ist, d.h. eher eine ostdeutsche oder westdeutsche Erscheinung ist, oder ob es sich dabei um ein gesamtdeutsches Phänomen handelt. Zunächst wird dargelegt, warum der Begriff Rechtspopulismus auf die Partei AfD anwendbar ist. Die Studie beinhaltet eine Analyse der Wurzeln der AfD in anderen populistischen Parteien. Dabei werden insbesondere die Parteien Bund Freier Bürger, Die Freiheit und die Schill-Partei genauer betrachtet. Das Führungspersonal der Partei wird auf ihre Herkunft aus Ost- und Westdeutschland hin untersucht. Die Wahlergebnisse der AfD bei Europa-, Bundes- und Landtagswahlen in Ost- und Westdeutschland werden miteinander verglichen. Dasselbe wird hinsichtlich der Mitgliederzahlen und des Wählerpotenzials der Partei unternommen. Diese Faktoren werden auf ihre Stärke in Ost- und Westdeutschland hin untersucht und einem entsprechenden Vergleich unterzogen. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Partei AfD nicht auf einen Teil der Bundesrepublik Deutschland beschränkt ist. Sie ist ein gesamtdeutsches Phänomen. Insgesamt lässt sich aber sagen, dass sie in Ostdeutschland relativ zur Bevölkerungszahl über ein stärkeres Wählerpotenzial und über mehr Zuspruch verfügt als in Westdeutschland.