서양학계의 한국고대사 인식체계의 변화

여호규(Yeo HoKyu) 한국사연구회 2010 한국사연구 Vol.148 No.-

Western academia's studies of the ancient Korean history can be examined over three terms. The first term ranged from the latter half of the 19th century through the early half of the 20th. In this term, it was the Christian missionaries and other personnel involved in professional education who authored Korean history books. Other than them, historians' professional research of the topic began in the second term, which started with the end of the 2nd World war and continued through the mid - 1970s. And in the third term, which was since the mid - 1970s and through the 1990s, more researchers were trained and more diverse topics surfaced to be discussed. Examined in this article, are the changes that occurred in the Western academia's perception of the ancient Korean history, over these three terms. During the first period, which was as mentioned before the latter half of the 19th century and the early half of the 20th, missionaries and education volunteers, while authoring books containing the general history of Korea, formed their own perspective and structure of the ancient Korean history. They more or less accepted the trail of evolution that led from Old Choson/古朝鮮 and Samhan/三韓 to the Three kingdoms/三國. Yet they never tried to verify the legitimacy of certain records even when some of them may have been tampered with in the past. These missionaries and education workers also replaced the Confucian Sino - centric historical perspective with the Western world's general philosophy of civilization and enlightenment. It was a bold gesture, but was a mere switching of a world view nonetheless, and it was certainly not an establishment of a modern historical research frame. After the liberation of Korea in 1945, some people tried to critically evaluate those people's previous understanding of the ancient Korean history, yet the Western academia seems to have received heavy influence from the Japanese community of history scholars. The Japanese scholars had a tendency of completely negating the credibility of a historical text when it showed even a very minor problem in terms of dates and contents, and the Western community as well incorporated such attitude in their studies. As a result, an atmosphere of completely denying the legitimacy and value of Old Choson - related historical references or the 『Samguk Sagi』's references regarding the early days of the Three - kingdoms period, was formed. Such atmosphere also led to a blatant denial of the historical trail of ancient Korea itself. and scholars started to consider the Chinese commandery units' establishment and dismantlement, instead of the birth and fall of important Korean dynasties, as the most important turning point ever happened in ancient Korean history. This kind of negative perspective had a profound influence upon their studies even after the mid - 1970s. Yet at the same time, the number of researchers and scholars has increased, an infrastructure for future studies has also been established, and an overall atmosphere for new approaches to all the subject matters has been created. Historical references to Old Choson, or the records inside 『Samguk Sagi』 regarding the early days of the three - kingdoms period. are currently being reevaluated. And analysis of archaeological survey reports have provided new insights into the socio - economical developments and political growth of the entities that existed in the Korean peninsula before the establishment of the Four Han Chinese Commandery units. With all such efforts, an effort to establish an objective, rather than negative, perspective to view the ancient Korean history, from Old Choson and Samhan to the Three kingdoms. is now underway.

고구려의 ‘남평양(南平壤)’ 건설과 운영

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2021 역사문화연구 Vol.79 No.-

이 글은 고구려의 남평양 건설과 운영양상을 고찰한 것이다. 최근 고구려의 남평양에 대해 의문을 제기하는 견해가 다수 제기되었지만, 고구려가 475년 한강유역을 점령한 다음 남평양을 건설한 사실을 재확인했다. 고구려는 백제 도성 가운데 군사방어 기능이 뛰어난 몽촌토성을 재활용하는 한편, 평지성인 풍납토성을 폐기하고 한강 북안에 남평양을 건설했다. 남평양은 풍납토성처럼 강변의 평지에 입지했고, 평상시 거점의 기능을 수행했다. 아차산 일대 보루의 분포양상과 중랑천 일대의 고지형을 통해 장안평 일대를 남평양의 후보지로 상정했다. 서울지역은 서해 해로와 한강 수로가 만나는 결절점이면서 서북한과 한강 유역을 잇는 간선 교통로가 중남부 각지로 분기하는 육로망의 중심지이다. 이에 고구려는 남평양을 중심으로 하는 교통망을 구축한 다음, 지방지배를 도모했다. 남평양은 고구려가 중부지역에 대한 지방지배를 시행하던 핵심 거점인 것이다. 고구려가 남평양을 건설하면서 서울지역의 정치적 중심지는 한강 북쪽으로 이동하기 시작했다. 이러한 점에서 고구려의 남평양 건설은 서울의 공간이동에서 분수령을 이룬다고 할 수 있다. 신라도 한강유역 점령 직후에는 한강 북안에 아차산성을 축조해 한강유역 전체를 관할하는 거점으로 삼았다. 다만 7세기 중반에 북방의 군사적 위협이 높아지자, 한강 남쪽에 이성산성을 축조해 거점을 옮겼다. Recently, many researchers questioned the existence of Goguryeo s southern Pyongyang, but it reaffirmed that Goguryeo occupied the Han River basin in 475 and then built the southern Pyongyang. Goguryeo recycled Mongchontoseong Fortress(몽촌토성), which has excellent military defense functions, while dismantling Pungnaptoseong Fortress(풍납토성), a flat fortress, and constructing South Pyongyang on the north coast of the Han River. South Pyongyang, like Pungnaptoseong Fortress, was located on a flat land along the river and served as a base for ordinary times. The Janganpyeong(장안평) area was proposed as a candidate site for South Pyongyang through the distribution of bastions around Achasan Mountain and the paleotopography around Jungnangcheon(중랑천) Stream. The Seoul area is the nodule point of the West Sea routes and the Han River Waterway, and the area is also the center of land routes where the main transportation route between the northwest of the Korean Peninsula and the Han River Basin branches into various parts of the south-central region. In response, Goguryeo established a transportation network centered on South Pyongyang and implemented local governance based on it. South Pyongyang is a key hub for Goguryeo s implementation of local control of the central region of the Korean Peninsula. With the construction of South Pyongyang by Goguryeo, the political center of Seoul area began to move north of the Han River. In this regard, Goguryeo s construction of South Pyongyang is a historic event that marks a watershed in Seoul s spatial movements. Shortly after the occupation of the Han River basin, Silla built Achasanseong(아차산성) Fortress in the northern part of the Han River and used it as a base for the entire Han River basin. However, as the military threat from the north increased in the middle of the 7th century, Silla built the fortress to the south of the Han River and moved its base.

<廣開土王陵碑>에 나타난 高句麗天下의 공간범위와 주변 族屬에 대한 인식

余昊奎(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2009 역사문화연구 Vol.32 No.-

종래 많은 연구자들이 지적한 것처럼 고구려는 5세기에 중국대륙의 분열상황을 활용하여 중국의 여러 왕조와 대등한 외교관계를 펼치며 독자세력권을 구축했다. 아울러 독자세력권을 설정하고 운영하기 위해 고구려 중심의 천하관을 확립한 사실도 밝혀졌다. 이 논문은 고구려 천하관의 실체를 더욱 구체적으로 파악하기 위해 작성되었다. 이를 위해 <광개토왕릉비>에 나타난 고구려 천하의 공간범위, 주변 족속과 자신의 族源에 대한 인식 등을 고찰했다.먼저 능비의 영락5년조를 검토한 결과, 5세기 초반 고구려인들이 중국대륙 방면과 명확히 구별되는 遼河의 동방지역에 독자적인 천하를 설정했음을 파악할 수 있었다. 그리고 능비에 나오는 國名과 族名을 검토할 결과, 능비의 찬자들이《魏略》이나 《三國志》東夷傳을 참조하여 자신의 천하를 여러 족속이 거주하는 세계로 인식한 사실도 파악할 수 있었다. 그리고는 자신에 대해서는 《魏略》이나 《三國志》동이전을 적용하지 않고 시조 추모왕의 신성한 혈통을 계승한 성스러운 존재로 상정한 다음, 자신보다 後進的인 穢族이나 夷狄的인 肅愼등 주변의 여러 족속을 아우르는 국가적 위상을 추구했다고 파악했다.주변 족속에 대한 이러한 인식은 대외 정복활동의 명분과 원동력을 제공했다.이에 따라 주변 지역이나 국가를 정복한 직후에는 이들을 자신보다 後進的이거나 夷狄的인 존재로 인식하는 관념이 강하게 남아 있을 수밖에 없었다. 다만 정복지역에 대한 지방통치가 진전됨에 따라 이러한 인식은 점차 불식되었을 것이다. 그리하여 고구려 영역 전체를 동질적인 공간으로 인식하는 국토관이 성립되었을 텐데, <中原高句麗碑>의 ‘太王國土’라는 명문은 이를 잘 보여준다. As previous studies have pointed out, Koguryo was able to make use of China's internal divisions during the 5th century to carve out an independent sphere of influence and pursue egalitarian-based diplomatic relations with many of the Chinese dynasties of the day. Furthermore, these studies have revealed that as part of the efforts to establish and control this independent sphere of influence, a Koguryo-centered perception of the world was developed. This thesis attempts to further expound on the actual nature of Koguryo's perception of the world. To this end, the researcher examined the King Kwanggaet'o Stele in order to gain insight into the territorial scope of Koguryo's sphere of influence and its perception of surrounding ethnic groups. Examination of an entry on the stele revealed that by the 5th year of Yongnak( ) in the early 5th century the 永樂people of Koguryo had carved out an independent sphere of influence along the eastern reaches of the Liao River that was clearly distinct from the kingdoms of inland China. Analysis of the names of states and tribes listed on the stele indicates that those who erected the monument, based on their reading of the Dongyi Chapter(東夷傳) of the <Weilue (魏略: Records of the Chaowei Dynasty)> or the <Sanguo Zhi (三國志: Records of the Chinese Three Kingdoms)>, perceived this Koguryo world as a place in which various ethnic groups resided. In addition, while holding on to its identity as a scared being that had succeeded to the sacred nature of the blood of its Founder, the leaders of Koguryo sought to enhance national prestige by also including other ethnic groups such as the Ye Tribe(穢族), which were regarded as being less developed than Proto-Koguryo's own itself, and the Sushen(肅愼) treated as a barbarian tribe, within the national territory. This type of perception of surrounding ethnic groups provided Koguryo with the legitimacy and motivation it needed for its wars of conquest. All of this lent itself to the development of a strong sense of superiority vis-a-vis conquered ethnic groups, who were regarded as less developed tribes or barbarians. Nevertheless, the gradual establishment and expansion of a local ruling structure in conquered areas had the effect of slowly but surely mitigating this sense of innate superiority. Over time, this resulted in the establishment of the entire territory under the control of Koguryo becoming a homogenous space. In this regard, the inclusion of the term 太王國土 (Land of the Great King) in the Jungwon Koguryo Stele (中原高句麗) can be perceived as proof that such a notion was in fact 碑established.

[총설] 한국사 연구의 신경향과 패러다임 전환을 위한 제언

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 역사학회 2021 역사학보 Vol.- No.251

This article examines the research trends in the field of pre-modern Korean history between 2019 and 2020. I identified new trends in research and made some suggestions for a paradigm shift in research. There have been many concerns that discussions on the new historical perception theory have been sluggish. However it was notable that criticism and reflection on the old theory of the immanent development began more than 20 years ago, and findings of empirical researches have accumulated considerably. In order to establish a new theory of historical perception, the entire academic world must strive to systematize distributed research results. To this end, it is necessary to organize a research group encompassing researchers from Korean history and from Eastern and Western histories to maintain a syntactic position and promote research on comparative history. In addition, it is necessary to define terms and concepts strictly through the methodology of conceptual history and to have a theoretical system by accepting social science theory. Based on these efforts, it is necessary to establish a theory of historical perception that encompasses the flow of history at multi-layered units including individual countries. Of course, it is necessary to investigate what kind of inequality that the world historical flow causes in individual countries or their internal constituent groups. In this respect, it is necessary to consider seriously the problem of consciousness of ‘glocal history’ in the search for alternatives to the theory of the immanent development.

충주고구려비의 단락구성과 건립시기

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국고대사학회 2020 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.98

이 글은 충주고구려비의 비문을 재판독하고, 단락구성과 건립시기를 고찰한 것이다. 2019년에 확보한 탁본자료를 바탕으로 비문을 재판독하여 총 27자를 새롭게 판독했다. 단락구성은 사건의 발생 시기와 장소, 행위주체 등을 기준으로 삼아 구분했다. 전면과 좌측면은 某年의 사건(Ⅰ)과 辛酉年의 사건(Ⅱ) 등 두 단락으로 구분된다. Ⅰ단락은 다시 某年 5월 사건(A)과 12월 23일 사건(B)으로 구분되는데, A문단은 고구려왕과 신라왕의 복속의례, B문단은 그 후속 조치인 募人 활동을 기술했다. Ⅱ단락은 辛酉年에 大古鄒加共이 신라의 于伐城 일대에서 전개한 군사활동을 기술했다. 충주비의 건립주체는 高麗大王인 문자명왕이지만, Ⅰ단락의 사건 발생시점은 문자명왕의 祖王인 장수왕대로 449년이다. 또한 Ⅱ단락의 사건 발생시점도 辛酉年으로 장수왕 69년(481년)에 해당한다. Ⅰ·Ⅱ단락 모두 장수왕대의 사건을 기술한 것이다. 충주비는 4면인데, 제1면(후면)에 문자명왕이 비석을 건립한 목적과 시기 등을 기술한 것으로 추정된다. 그런 다음 비석의 건립목적과 관련한 과거 사건을 시기순으로 기술했는데, 전면과 좌측면의 Ⅰ·Ⅱ단락도 그에 해당한다. 충주비는 4면비이지만 제1면과 다른 세면을 구별한 ‘1+3면비’의 면모를 지녔던 것이다. 문자명왕이 충주비를 건립한 목적은 신라에 대해 고구려 중심의 차등적 외교관계를 관철시키려는데 있었다. 장수왕대에 이루어졌던 고구려왕과 신라 매금의 복속의례를 상세하게 기술한 이유는 바로 여기에 있다. 이와 함께 선친인 태자 공[조다]의 공적을 부각시켜 자신의 정치적 입지를 강화하는 부수적 효과도 노렸다. This article deciphers the inscriptions of the Goguryeo Monument at Chungju and examined its paragraph assembly and erected period. The front and left sides of the monument are divided into two paragraphs: the events of the certain year (I) and the events of the Shin-yu year(辛酉年: II). Paragraph I is again divided into two sub-paragraphs, May events(A) and December events(B). The Sub-paragraph A describes the rite of obedience between the Goguryeo and Silla kings, and the Sub-paragraph B describes the gathering activities, which are a followup measure. Paragraph II describes the military activities carried out in the area of Wubeol-seong fortress of Silla in the Shin-yu Year. King Munjamyeong built this monument, but the incident of Paragraph I took place in 449, 37 years after King Jangsu. The events of Paragraph II took place in 481, 69 years after King Jangsu. Both I and II paragraphs describe events that occurred during the reign of King Jangsu, the grandfather of King Munjamyeong. This monument consists of four sides. It is estimated that the first side describes the purpose and erected period of the monument. Then, the past events related to the purpose of the monument were described in chronological order. This monument consists of four sides, but it has a figure of “one side + three sides” that distinguishes the first and the other three sides. King Munjamyeong erected this monument to promote the differential diplomatic relations centered on Goguryeo. This is why it describes the rite of obedience between Goguryeo and Silla, which was held during the reign of King Jangsu. At the same time, he also sought to strengthen his political position by highlighting the achievements of his late father, Prince Gong(Joda).

신라 냉수리비와 봉평리비의 단락구성과 서사구조

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2019 역사문화연구 Vol.69 No.-

이 논문은 냉수리비와 봉평리비의 단락구성과 서사구조를 고찰한 것이다. 두비문의 서사구조가 기본적으로 동일했는데, 敎[別敎]의 議決[判示], 敎의 執行, 敎의 告知 등 세 단락으로 구성되었다. 이 가운데 敎의 의결은 왕경의 정청에서 이루어졌는데, 왕을 비롯한 왕경 6부의 유력자가 담당했다. 敎의 執行과 告知는 비석을 건립한 현지에서 이루어졌는데, 敎의 집행은 중앙에서 파견된 실무자가 수행했고, 현지인에 대한 敎의 고지는 현지 유력자가 담당했다. 냉수리비의 경우, 중앙에서 파견된 典事人이 敎를 집행하면서 敎의 의결내용을 현지인에게 직접 布告하지 않고 하늘을 향해 아뢰었다. 이로 인해 현지 유력 자가 별도로 현지인에게 敎의 의결내용을 告知했는데, 두 비석 말미의 ‘世中了事 [世中子]’는 이를 뜻한다. 이로 보아 봉평리비의 경우에도 중앙에서 파견된 處事 大人이 敎의 의결내용을 하늘을 향해 아뢰었을 가능성이 높다. 이처럼 냉수리비와 봉평리비의 서사구조는 기본적으로 동일한 양상을 띤다. 물론 각 단락의 문단구성이나 기술내용은 조금씩 다른데, 비석의 성격 차이나 시기적 변화에 따른 차이로 파악된다. 그러므로 두 비석의 동일한 서사구조를 통해 6부인들이 공유하던 지배이념을 추출하고, 나아가 두 비석의 차이점을 통해 지배이념의 변모양상도 파악할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. This paper examines the paragraph composition and narrative structure of Naengsuri Stone Monument and Bongpyeongri Stone Monument in the Silla Period. Through this, the narrative structure of two epitaphs were essentially the same. Both epitaphs consisted of three paragraphs : decision, execution, and notice of command. Among them, decision of command was made at the court of the Capital, and the commanders of six political units called ‘Bu(部)’, including the king, were in charge. The execution and notice of command were carried out on the area where the stone monument was constructed. Among both, the execution of command was carried out by a central dispatched worker, and the notice of command to the local people was carried out by a local authority. In particular, in the case of Naengsuri Stone Monument, the central dispatched worker called ‘JeonSa-Man(典事人)’ spoke the contents of command toward the sky rather than directly to the local people. As a result, a local authority separately informed the local people of the command’s contents, the phrase SeJungRyoSa(世中了 事) at the end of the two epitaphs means this. So as, in the case of Bongpyeongri Stone Monument, it is highly likely that the central dispatched worker called ‘CheoSa-Big man(處事大人)’ spoke the contents of command toward the sky. As such, the narrative structure of both stone monuments is basically the same. Of course, the paragraph composition and descript contents of each stone monument is slightly different, which is understood to be the difference between the nature of the stone monument and the timing changes. Therefore, analysis of the same writing structure of both stone monuments could extract the ruling ideology shared by the six political units through. Further analysis of the difference of both stone monuments could extract the change of ruling ideology.

고구려의 韓半島 中部地域 지배와 漢城 別都의 건설

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국고대사학회 2020 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.99

고구려는 475-551년에 장기간 한강유역 등 중부지역을 점령했고, 최소한 16개 이상의 행정구역을 설치해 지방통치를 시행했다. 경기남부와 금강유역에서는 고구려가 종전의 백제 성곽을 재활용해 군사방어와 지방지배를 도모하던 양상이 확인된다. 그런데 고구려는 서북방으로 막강한 중원왕조나 유목국가와 접경했다. 이로 인해 고구려는 서북방의 군사방어체계 구축에 국력을 집중해야 했고, 중부지역에는 상대적으로 적은 비용을 투입할 수밖에 없었다. 이에 고구려는 소형 보루를 축조하거나 종전의 백제 성곽을 재활용하여 군사방어체계를 구축했다. 고구려는 한강 수로와 서해 해로를 활용해 중부지역에 대한 지방 지배를 도모했다. 이를 위해 고구려는 한강변에 남평양이나 국원성 등의 평지거점을 구축했다. 다만 서해 가운데 장산곶 일대는 해난 사고가 자주 발생하였다. 이에 고구려는 멸악산맥의 재령-해주로를 활용해 서해 해로와 재령강-대동강 수로를 연결하는 물류망을 구축했다. 고구려는 이러한 물류망을 운영하기 위해 재령강 상류에 물류의 중간 집하장인 한성 별도를 건설하였다. 한성 별도는 한강 수로와 서해 해로를 활용해 중부지역에 대한 지방 지배를 도모하기 위한 중간 거점이었던 것이다. 한성 별도는 각종 도시 기반시설이 확충되고 인구가 증가함에 따라 도회지로 발전해 3경의 하나로 자리 잡았다. Goguryeo occupied the central region of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River basin(한강 유역), for a long time from 475 to 551 and established at least 16 administrative districts to enforce local rule. In fact, in southern Gyeonggi Province and the Geumgang River basin, Goguryeo was seeking military defense and local government by recycling the former Baekje fortresses. Goguryeo, however, was bordered by the powerful Chinese dynasties or nomadic states in the northwest. As a result, Goguryeo had to concentrate its national power on building a military defense system in the northwest, forcing it to spend relatively little national power on the central region of the Korean Peninsula. Thus, Goguryeo built small bastions or recycled Baekje fortresses to establish a military defense system. At the same time, Goguryeo used the Han River waterway and the West Sea sea route to implement local government to the central region of the Korean Peninsula. To that end, Goguryeo built a flat base along the Han River, such as South Pyeongyang(남평양) and Gukwonseong(국원성). However, the area around Jangsan Cape(장산곶) in the West Sea was frequently hit by sea accidents. In response, Goguryeo built a transportation network linking the West Sea sea route to the Jaeryeong River-Daedong River waterway by utilizing the Jaeryeong-Haeju land route(재령-해주로) that passes through the Myeolak Mountains(멸악산맥) to avoid Jangsan Cape. In order to operate such a transportation network, Goguryeo built Hanseong(한성), an intermediate gathering place for logistics, in the upper reaches of the Jaeryeong River. The Hanseong was a mid-base for the implementation of local government to the central part of the Korean Peninsula by utilizing the Han River waterway and the West Sea seaway. As the urban infrastructure expanded and the population increased, Hanseong developed into a large-scale city and became one of the three Capitals along with Pyeongyang(평양) and Guknaeseong Fortress(국내성).

7-8세기 신라의 시보제(時報制) 시행과 도성민(都城民)의 시간생활

여호규 ( Yeo Hokyu ) 대구사학회 2018 대구사학 Vol.132 No.-

신라는 7세기 전반까지도 日出이나 日沒 등 태양의 운행을 기준으로 시각을 파악하는 自然時法을 시행했다. 655년 월성에 鼓樓를 설치해 宮門이나 城門의 開閉 시각이나 官人의 출퇴근 시각을 일률적으로 규제하기 시작했다. 718년에는 물시계[漏刻]를 설치해 하루 전체의 시각을 등분하여 측정하는 定時法을 시행했다. 신라 도성에서도 定時法에 입각한 時報制가 본격적으로 시행된 것이다. 신라는 漏刻으로 시각을 측정한 다음 鼓樓의 북이나 종을 쳐서 도성 전체에 시각을 알렸다. 時報制의 시행으로 관인의 출퇴근 시각이나 도성민의 통행금지 시각 등이 일률적으로 규제되었다. 국가권력이 時報制 시행을 통해 도성민의 시간생활을 일률적으로 표준화하며 강력하게 통제한 것이다. 또한 정궁인 月城 일대에 漏刻과 鼓樓는 설치되었다는 점에서 月城이 時報制 시행과 더불어 관인과 도성민의 생활시각을 제정하는 정점의 위상을 확보했다고 할 수 있다. Silla placed a Goru(鼓樓) pavilion in the Weolseong area in 655, to notify people of the Main gates’ opening and closing times and also times for them to show up at office and later return home. And in 718, the Jeongshi-beob(定時法, Time-determination by the regular method) institution was initiated when a water clock system to regularly monitor and measure time was established. This new system allowed the capital residents to be aware of the flow of time on a daily basis. And the standardization of the capital residents’ life cycles generated the effect of both controlling their lives as well as providing them with a sense of superiority and unity.

鴨綠江 중상류 연안의 高句麗 성곽과 東海路

여호규(Yeo HoKyu) 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2008 역사문화연구 Vol.29 No.-

압록강 중상류 연안 고구려 성곽의 분포양상을 통해 압록강 수로 및 東海路 운영을 고찰했다. 압록강 중상류 연안에서는 도성이었던 集安 國內城과 山城子山城을 제외하면 11기의 고구려 성곽이 보고되었다. 이 가운데 대략 8기는 고구려 성곽일 가능성이 높은데, 國內城을 기준으로 하류와 상류 방면 사이에 분포양상이 뚜렷이 구별된다. 關隘 형태로 축조된 하류 방면의 성곽은 압록강 상륙지점이나 도성으로 향하는 교통로를 공제하던 군사방어성으로서 압록강 水路를 관리하는 기능도 수행했다. 반면 상류 방면의 성곽은 강변에 위치하여 水運 驛站의 기능을 수행했으며, 규모가 비교적 큰 성곽은 지방행정 중심지의 기능도 수행했다. 고구려가 일찍부터 압록강 중상류의 水路를 활발히 사용하는 한편, 이를 통해 지방통치를 도모했던 것이다. 압록강 상류의 水路는 두만강 하류로 나아가는 ‘東海路’로 연결되었다. 東海路 방면은 중국세력의 영향력이 미치지 않았을 뿐 아니라, 압록강 수로를 통해 각종 물자를 도성으로 운송할 수 있었기 때문에 초기 이래 매우 중시되었다. 고구려는 건국기에 이 방면으로 가장 먼저 진출했고, 3세기 후반에도 이 지역부터 지방제도를 정비했다. 또한 6세기 중반 원산만 일대를 상실한 이후에도 종전의 東海路를 통해 두만강 하류일대를 안정적으로 경영했다. 동해로 방면이 초기 이래 말기까지 고구려 국가운영에서 중요한 위상을 차지했던 것이다. 이상과 같이 압록강 중상류의 수로는 고구려가 압록강 유역뿐 아니라 멀리 東海路 방면을 경영하는데도 중요한 역할을 수행했다. 이러한 점에서 압록강 중상류의 수로는 건국 이래 거의 전 기간에 국가적 차원에서 관리되었을 것으로 파악된다. In this article, how the Koguryo Fortresses located alongside the coastal area of the middle and upper streams of the Abrok-gang river were actually deployed at the time are examined, in order to determine how the waterway of the Abrok-gang river and the so-called Donghae-ro route were managed and operated. Aside from the Guknae-seong/國內城 fortress in the Jian/集安 area(which was also the capital), and the Sancheongzi san-seong/山城子山城 fortress as well, total of 11 Koguryo fortresses have been reported to be found in the area. Among all those fortresses, roughly 8 of them seem to have actually been constructed by the Koguryo dynasty, and apparently there is a clear difference in terms of status of deployment between the ones in the lower stream area and the ones in the upper stream area, with the Guknae-seong capital in the middle of the region. The fortresses located in the lower stream area, which were constructed in the form of Gwanae/關隘 barriers, served as military defense fortresses, controling and monitoring the traffic routes leading to either the Abrok-gang river's upper stream area or the capital city, and also managing the Abrok-gang river's entire waterway. On the other hand, the fortresses located in the upper stream area were located on the shores, serving as Yeokcham/驛站 stations for the water transportation network, and other than that function, relatively big ones among them also served as central points in terms of local administration. Koguryo dynasty had already been actively using the waterways of the Abrok-gang river's middle and upper stream areas, in order to facilitate the dynasty's ruling and governing over local areas. The waterway in the Abrok-gang river's upper stream was connected with the so-called ‘Donghae-ro’ route(‘Eastern sea route’), which was also connected with the lower stream area of the Duman-gang/頭滿江 river. The areas around the Donghae-ro route was not being threatened by or under the influence of the Chinese dynasties, and the Abrok-gang river had been providing an important method of transporting goods and products to the capital from the early days, so it was being considered very important. During the time of foundation, the Donghae-ro region was one of the earliest places that Koguryo took control over, and during the latter half of the 3rd century the region was where the local administrative works started earlier than any other region. And even when Koguryo lost the Weonsan-man region in the mid-6th century, Koguryo was still able to manage the lower stream area of the Duman-gang river, using the existing Donghae-ro route under stable conditions.

삼국형성기 문헌사와 고고학의 접점

여호규(Yeo, HoKyu) 한국상고사학회 2018 한국상고사학보 Vol.100 No.-

This article was written in an effort to activate the complementary research on the history of literature and archaeology. The researcher reviewed the latest research results on the prime town of SamHan and the early Capital of the Three States. According to the recent research results, the hierarchical structure of the settlements in the middle and late period of the Bronze Age was divided into three layers, and the settlements had been grouped into one unit. This assembly of settlement group is compared to the aggregation of town and villages[邑落] of SamHan period, the small-country[小國] of SamHan was formed based on that of settlement group. The loop ditch settlement of Pungnap Fortress site and Wudu-dong site of Chuncheon city are presumed to be the prime-town of small-country of SamHan, while Misari site of Hanam city is believed to be the central town of the aggregation of town and villages. The similar equipment and the square loop ditch of the political hub in Wudu-dong site was also found at Misari site. This aspect suggests that the primetown of Small-country of SamHan was established through a quantitative integration of the central town of the aggregation of town and villages, and that the views of both sides were not clearly distinguished. On this note, the author of SanGuozhi/三國志 described both the prime-town of small-country and the central town of the aggregation of town and villages as ‘Town[邑]’. On the other hand, there were palace, a memorial equipment equivalent to the royal ancestral shrine, a warehouse, and a jail in the political centers of Goguryeo and Buyeo in the mid-third century. On this note, the author of SanGuozhi described the political centers of Goguryeo and Buyeo as ‘Capital[都]’ by analogy with the figure of the capital city of the Chinese state. It is believed that the early Capital of the Three States was established not by the quantitative integration of the prime-town of SamHan, but by the qualitative transformation, because it had a political landscape which was clearly distinguished from the prime-town of SamHan. Goguryeo and Buyeo in the mid-third century had the state system that was clearly distinguished from the Small-country of SamHan, and both states are believed to have a landscape of the capital city based on that. According to current research, Baekje also expanded its territory and organized its tax collecting system in the first half of the fourth century, and it is believed that the loop ditch fortifications of Pungnap Fortress was remodeled into a gigantic earthen wall. A new ruling power, that was clearly distinguished from the leader of aggregation of town and villages, had also emerged in Silla from the last period of the Proto-Three States, and it is assumed that the primetown of Saro-guk[斯盧國] was converted into the early capital of Silla by these power. As mentioned above, while the prime-town of the small-country of SamHan was established through the quantitative integration of the central town of the aggregation of town and villages, the early Capital of the Three States was established through the qualitative transformation of the prime-town of SamHan. If we analyze on the historical materials and archaeological sites related to the prime-town of SamHan and the early Capital of the Three States from various angles with these points in mind, we will be able to understand the characteristics of the small-country of SamHan and the state formation of the Three Kingdoms more systematically. 이 글은 문헌사와 고고학의 相補的 硏究를 활성화하자는 취지에서 작성되었다. 이를 위해 三韓 國邑 및 三國 초기 都城과 관련한 최근 연구성과를 검토했다. 최근 연구성과에 따르면, 청동기시대 중후기 聚落의 위계구조는 3단계로 분화했고, 聚落群의 結集도 이루어졌다고 한다. 聚落群의 結集體는 三韓의 邑落에 비견되는데, 삼한 소국은 이러한 聚落群의 結集體를 바탕으로 출현했을 것으로 파악된다. 풍납토성의 환호취락과 춘천 우두동 유적은 삼한 소국의 國邑, 하남 미사리 유적은 읍락의 중심촌으로 추정된다. 그런데 미사리 유적에서도 우두동 유적의 정치적 중심지와 유사한 方形環濠와 각종시설이 확인되었다. 이는 삼한 소국의 국읍이 읍락 중심촌[邑]의 양적 집적을 통해 성립했고, 양자의 경관이 명확히 구별되지 않았을 가능성을 시사한다. 이에 『三國志』 찬자는 三韓 國邑과 邑落 중심촌을 모두 ‘邑’으로 표기했다. 반면 3세기 중반경 고구려나 부여의 정치적 중심지에는 宮室, 宗廟에 준하는 祭儀施設, 창고와 감옥 등이 존재했다. 이에 『三國志』 찬자는 고구려와 부여의 정치적 중심지를 중국왕조의 都城에 비견해 ‘都’라고 표기했다. 三國 초기 도성은 三韓의 國邑과 명확히 구별되는 정치적 경관을 갖추었다는 점에서 삼한 국읍의 양적 집적이 아니라, 질적 전환을 통해 성립했을 것으로 파악된다. 실제 3세기 중반경 부여나 고구려는 삼한 소국과 명확히 구별되는 국가체제를 정비했고, 이를 바탕으로 도성의 경관을 갖춘 것으로 파악된다. 최근 연구성과에 따르면 백제도 4세기 전반에 영역을 확장하며 수취체계를 정비했는데, 이를 바탕으로 풍납토성을 거대한 토축성벽으로 개축해 도성의 경관을 갖추었다고 파악된다. 신라도 원삼국시대 말기부터 기존의 읍락집단과 구별되는 지배세력이 출현했고, 이들에 의해 斯盧國의 國邑이 新羅 都城으로 전환했을 것으로 추정된다. 이처럼 삼한 소국의 국읍이 읍락 중심촌의 양적 집적을 통해 형성된 반면, 삼국 초기 도성은 질적 전환을 수반하며 성립했다고 파악된다. 이러한 점에 유의하면서 삼한 국읍이나 삼국 초기 도성과 관련한 문헌사료나 고고자료를 다각도로 분석한다면, 삼한 소국의 성격 및 삼국의 국가형성 양상을 더욱 체계적으로 파악할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다