8~10세기 동아시아세계와 「자립하는 『武』」의 등장

송완범 동아시아고대학회 2023 동아시아고대학 Vol.- No.72

본고의 구상은 일본 교토에 있는 국제일본문화연구센터의 2020~23년도 공동연구인 [귀족과 무사]에 참여하는 것에서 출발한다. 참여 당시 본인이 제출한 연구 주제는 「고려의 『무신정권』과 일본의 『무가정권』과의 비교로부터 보이는 것」이었다. 이후 공동연구회에서 발표한 주제는 「9세기의 신라에 있어 『김헌창의 난』과 지방의 『사병』」이었다. 더하여 이번에 제출하는 최종 연구 주제는 「8∼10세기 동아시아에서의 「자립하는 『무(武)』」의 대두와 그 행방」에 대해서이다. 여기서 이야기하는 「자립하는 『무(武)』」는 기존의 중앙정권을 대신하는 새로운 정권의 수립 혹은 새로운 국가의 건설을 지향하는 반란을 이른다. 그중에서도 8~10세기 동아시아의 「자립하는 『무(武)』」의 시작은 당의 「안사의 난」(756~63년)·신라의 「김헌창의 난」(822~25년)·일본의 「다이라노 마사카도(平将門)의 난」(939~40년)을 들 수 있다. 이들 반란의 특징을 한마디로 말하자면, 「통일·중앙·법의 세계」로부터 「분열·지방·무법(無法)의 세계」로의 이동을 나타낸다고 할 것이다. This study developed from “Nobles and Warriors,” a joint research project I participated in with the International Research Center for Japanese Studies in Kyoto, Japan from 2020 to 2023. I submitted the research topic, “What Can be Determined from a Comparison between the ‘Military Regimes’ of Goryeo and the ‘Military Government (shogunates or bakufu)’ of Japan,” and presented “Kim Heon-chang (김헌창; 金憲昌)’s Rebellion and Local Private Soldiers in Silla in the 9th century” at the joint seminar afterwards. Additionally, I submitted my final research topic, “The Rise and Path of Self-Reliant Warriors in East Asia in the 8th–10th Centuries.” The “Self-Reliant Warriors” discussed in the research led rebellions to establish a new regime or build a new nation in place of the existing central government. The beginning of the “Self-Reliant Warriors (Stratocracy)” in East Asia in the 8th–10th centuries was marked by An Lushan’s Rebellion (安史之乱) during the Tang dynasty (756–763), Kim Heon-chang’s Rebellion in Silla (822–825), and Taira-no-Masakado’s Rebellion (平将門の乱) in Japan (939–940). These rebellions can be briefly characterized as a movement from a world of “unity, centralism, and law” to one of “division, regionalism, and lawlessness.”

8세기 후반 唐朝의 漕運路 운영과 그 의미 ― 江淮 漕運路의 회복 과정을 중심으로 ―

조종성 동양사학회 2023 東洋史學硏究 Vol.165 No.-

After the renovation of the Jianghuai Canal connecting Chang'an to the Jiangnan region, it played a crucial role in the financial operations of the Tang Dynasty. However, after the rebellion of An Lushan, Tang Dynasty could not fully control the Jianghuai Canal, as the rebel-held territories, including Bianzhou and Xuzhou, obstructed the major points along the route. In response, Suzong accepted Diwuqi's proposal to use the Jianghan Canal to overcome this crisis, effectively transporting goods from the Jiangnan region. This attempt was successful, allowing the Tang Dynasty to escape the dire situation it was facing. Even after the end of rebellion, the stability of the Jianghui Canal remained unreliable for the Tang Dynasty. Thus, the Tang Dynasty made efforts to stabilize the Jianghuai Canal rather than attempting to replace it with a more stable Jianghan Canal, which might have been expected. This paper investigates the relationship between Salt taxes and the Jianghuai Canal, which played a significant role in Tang Dynasty's finances. The proportion of Salt Tax among the total tax revenue was very high, and the region with the highest salt production was located adjacent to the Jianghuai Canal. Therefore, if they wanted to collect the Salt Tax through the Jianghan Canal, the cost of transporting the salt tax income to Chang'an would inevitably increase. Furthermore, at that time, the Salt Tax was collected during the process of selling salt to merchants. Hence, if the safety of the areas near the Jianghuai Canal was not ensured to attract merchants, the Salt Tax revenue itself could decrease. For this reason, even in an unstable situation where there were fanzhens not following the orders of the central government in the areas the Jianghuai Canal passed through and nearby, the Tang Dynasty could not give up on restoring the Jianghuai Canal. To fully restore the Jianghuai Canal and the surrounding area, it was unavoidable to engage in wars with fanzhens. However, if the Tang Dynasty clashed with fanzhens, they could also threaten the Tang Dynasty by blocking the Canals. The incident in the 2nd year of Jianzhong(781), where rebel forces blocked both the Jianghuai and Jianghan canals, can be understood in this context. When the Tang Dynasty posed a threat to fanzhens, they united and blocked both of canals simultaneously to resist the Tang Dynasty. As a result, the Tang Dynasty faced temporary difficulties, but after securing the Jianghan Canal, it eventually restored the Jianghuai Canal. Subsequent setbacks occurred, but the Tang Dynasty maintained control over the Jianghuai Canal for nearly a century, up until the rebellion of Huang Chao, providing the essential conditions for governing the whole empire.

唐代의 郊祀制度 : 제도의 확립과 쇠퇴를 중심으로

金渶信(Kim Hanshin) 중국고중세사학회 2004 중국고중세사연구 Vol.11 No.-

The Suburban Sacrifice was a typically Confucian ritual that embodied the ancient Chinese reverence for Heaven. The Confucian Heaven as defined by Dong Zhongxu(董仲敍) had intellectual faculties, and its rational intention was to punish and instruct human beings. This Confucian cosmology, on which the Suburban Sacrifice was based, was founded in the Han dynasty, and continued to prevail among the intellectuals during the early Tang period. For example, not only the dispute raged over the main deity of Suburban Sacrifice but also Wuzetian's preference for Mingtang(明堂) or 'Hall of Light' were founded on the cosmology. However during the Tianbao(天寶) era(742~756), many elements of Taoism were introduced to the state rituals, and so the Suburban Sacrifice became an ambivalent ritual that possessed both Confucian and Taoist properties. The turning point was An Lushan(安祿山)'s rebellion, which divided the Tang era between its earlier and later periods. From then on, obvious changes were observed in the Suburban Sacrifice. First, more serious consideration was given to the sacrifice rituals to the Ancestral Temple (宗廟) than the Suburban Sacrifice, which required large numbers of people and was very difficult to perform, especially under the economic and political hardships of the day. Moreover, the reconstruction of the Ancestral Temple was thought to be more urgent, and so according to Jiu Tangshu(舊唐書) the amount spent on the Suburban Sacrifice decreased, while that spent on the Ancestral Temple increased considerably. Second, after the rebellion, the intellectuals began to challenge the Confucian cosmology. Tu yu(杜佑), the author of Tong Dian (通典), criticized the ideal polity throughout the Confucian rites as unworkable. He also cautioned the intellectuals about the excessive emphasis on the cosmology. In the early ninth century, radical intellectuals such as Han Yu(韓愈) and Liu Zongyuan(柳宗元) issued further challenges in their personal essays. Liu Zongyuan particularly expressed his aversion to the superstitious and supernatural phenomena in his book, Fei Guoyo(非國語). Little by little, such criticism of the Confucian cosmology undermined the theoretical foundation of the Suburban Sacrifice. Once the Confucian cosmology lost its mystic and authority, the Suburban Sacrifice lost all its earlier importance and became merely a convention. Therefore, the intellectuals of the later Tang period began to grope around for a new divine nature of the Emperor from other religions instead.

논문(論文) : 안사(安史)의 난(亂)과 요서(遼西) 평로군(平盧軍)의 남하(南下) -이충신(李忠臣)의 활동(活動)을 중심으로-

鄭炳俊 중국사학회 2013 中國史硏究 Vol.87 No.-

玄宗天寶14年(755)11月, 安祿山發動反亂. 第二年, 遼西平盧軍叛離安祿山, 歸順了唐朝, 李忠臣參與了這一起義. 757年正月, 顔眞卿于河北與反軍交戰. 應顔眞卿之請, 李忠臣率步兵3千, 南下河北, 占領了德州.체州. 759年3月, 李忠臣與9位節度使組成聯軍, 于相州大敗于史思明. 9月, 판州被史思明攻陷, 李忠臣被부. 隨後, 史思明分化了李忠臣與部下田神功, 命田神功進攻江淮地區. 然而, 田神功于途中再次投唐. 10月, 李忠臣也率部下500人出逃. 此后, 二人分開, 各自活動. 代宗寶應元年(762)7月, 李忠臣任淮西節度使, 管轄11州, 隨卽參與了對叛反軍的最後討伐. 此後, 李忠臣一直防范吐蕃入侵, 忠于朝廷. 靈一方面, 李忠臣時有掠奪性行爲, 其軍隊所到之處行徑粗暴. 這源于遼西平盧軍多民族(游牧民族等)共存的習性. 大歷 14年(779)3月, 李忠臣被部下李希烈等驅逐, 奔赴長安. 李希烈自遼西起一直追隨李忠臣. 這意味着, 平盧軍出身的軍人們構成了淮西藩鎭的中心勢力, 最終驅逐了李忠臣. 李希烈以下克上, 眞正走上了反叛之路. 結果, 李忠臣促進了淮西藩鎭割据勢力的形成.

발해의 강역·대외관계 연구동향과 과제

KOMIYAHIDETAKA 한국고대사학회 2018 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.89

The purpose of this study is to see the research trends and issues on the Balhae territory and foreign relations. The preceding study about foreign relationship has focused on the northeast and southwest frontier in Balhae, and regarded Balhae history as an issue of national history. But the Northeast and Southwest frontier’s issues, for example, the expansion of territories under the reign of king Mu, the improvement of traffic routes to East Asian area in the Mun period, and the expansion of northeast territories in the Seon period, were connected with in East Asian world’s relations. From frontier studies point of view, Balhae history will rewrite not as national history but as regional history. 연구자들이 발해사를 각국의 국사와 밀접하게 연관시켜 이해함에 따라 발해사 서술에는 일국사적인 성격이 강하게 드러나게 되었다. 각국의 강역·대외관계 연구사를 보면 동북쪽으로 말갈, 서남쪽으로는 요동지역의 국경문제에 힘을 썼다는 특징을 찾아낼 수 있다. 실제 무왕대의 영역확장, 문왕대의 천도와 대외교통망의 정비, 선왕대 동북지역 확장 정책에는 모두 말갈이나 요동 지역의 국경문제와 관련성이 있었다. 발해 동북과 서남 변경의 동향이 서로 연동되었을 가능성을 염두에 둔다면 발해사를 ‘변경’이라는 새로운 지역사적인 관점에서 재구성할 수 있을 것이다. 그리고 이러한 관점이 일국사를 넘어서는 서술을 향한 단서를 제공할 수 있을 것이라 기대한다

논문(論文) : 봉상절도사(鳳翔節度使) 형군아(邢君牙)의 출자(出自)와 그 활동(活動)

정병준 중국사학회 2015 中國史硏究 Vol.99 No.-

唐玄宗天寶14年(755)11月, 兼任範陽ㆍ平盧和河東三個節度使的安祿山흔起叛亂, 此後不久, 平盧軍就向唐朝投降. 757年正月, 平盧兵馬使李忠臣和田神功率領三千兵士向河北南下, 開始作戰, 此時邢君牙也壹同南下. 此後李忠臣和田神功被史思明부虜, 以此爲契機相互分開, 邢君牙근隨田神功壹起行動. 後來田神功平息劉展之亂, 被任命爲연운節度使.安史之亂剛結束之後, 卽在廣德元年(763)9月吐蕃攻打京師, 代宗逃往陜州避難. 那時, 邢君牙奉田神功的命, 率防秋兵駐屯於京師西側, 被屬於禁軍神策軍護衛皇帝. 從此以後, 邢君牙屬於神策軍.德宗建中2年(781)5月, 唐朝與藩鎭之間開始內亂, 同年7月神策軍向東出戰. 那時, 率領神策軍的將帥是李晟, 邢君牙是他的都知兵馬使. 但翌年(782)11月, 河北三鎭和平盧軍的李納進行謀議, 各自稱王(史稱四王之亂),建中4年(783)10月, 在京師朱此稱帝占領宮城. 從而李晟爲救援逃往奉天避難的德宗奔走, 到興元元年(784)5月, 終於收回京師.同年8月, 李晟被任命爲鳳翔節度使, 邢君牙隨之而去. 邢君牙是從前以來李晟最信任的將帥, 這是在鳳翔同樣如此. 李晟在貞元3年(787)3月進入朝廷, 由邢君牙繼任. 從此以後, 壹直到死亡, 長達11年期間, 邢君牙任鳳翔節度使, 以防吐蕃入侵. 這樣, 邢君牙的壹生淸楚地展現出平盧軍的分化過程.

발해의 강역 · 대외관계 연구동향과 과제

고미야 히데타카(小宮秀陵) 한국고대사학회 2018 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.89

연구자들이 발해사를 각국의 국사와 밀접하게 연관시켜 이해함에 따라 발해사 서술에는 일국사적인 성격이 강하게 드러나게 되었다. 각국의 강역 · 대외관계 연구사를 보면 동북쪽으로 말갈, 서남쪽으로는 요동지역의 국경문제에 힘을 썼다는 특징을 찾아낼 수 있다. 실제 무왕대의 영역확장, 문왕대의 천도와 대외교통망의 정비, 선왕대 동북지역 확장 정책에는 모두 말갈이나 요동 지역의 국경문제와 관련성이 있었다. 발해 동북과 서남 변경의 동향이 서로 연동되었을 가능성을 염두에 둔다면 발해사를 ‘변경’이라는 새로운 지역사적인 관점에서 재구성할 수 있을 것이다. 그리고 이러한 관점이 일국사를 넘어서는 서술을 향한 단서를 제공할 수 있을 것이라 기대한다. The purpose of this study is to see the research trends and issues on the Balhae territory and foreign relations. The preceding study about foreign relationship has focused on the northeast and southwest frontier in Balhae, and regarded Balhae history as an issue of national history. But the Northeast and Southwest frontier’s issues, for example, the expansion of territories under the reign of king Mu, the improvement of traffic routes to East Asian area in the Mun period, and the expansion of northeast territories in the Seon period, were connected with in East Asian world’s relations. From frontier studies point of view, Balhae history will rewrite not as national history but as regional history.