고려말~조선초 朱熹 『楚辭集注』·『楚辭辯證』·『楚辭後語』의 수입과 간행에 대하여

魯耀翰 ( Noh Johann ) 동방한문학회 2022 東方漢文學 Vol.- No.90

『단종실록』에 실려 있는 尹炯(1388∼1453)의 졸기에는 다음과 같은 세종의 일화가 실려 있다. 곧, 윤형이 경자년(1420) 과거에 급제하여 承文院博士에 補任되고 承政院注書에 전임되었다가 여러 관직을 거쳐 右副承旨가 되어 入對하였을 때의 일이다. 세종이 注書에서 10년 만에 承旨가 된 것은 근래에 있지 않았던 일이라 윤형을 상찬하였는데, 윤형이 경전과 史書를 뒤섞어 인용하면서 상세히 敷奏하자 책을 읽을 때에 몇 번 보아서 이처럼 능히 기억할 수 있는지 물었다. 윤형이 자신은 겨우 30번 정도 읽는다고 대답하자 세종은 “나는 여러 책을 모두 1백 번 읽었고, 다만 『楚詞』와 『歐蘇手簡』만은 30번 정도였을 뿐이다.”라고 대답하였다. 세종이 여러 책을 모두 1백 번 읽었고 『楚詞』와 『歐蘇手簡』만은 30번 정도였을 뿐이라고 한 것은 경학과 사학의 서적을 중심으로 한 세종의 독서 경향을 보여주는 것이기도 하다. 하지만 『초사』는 문장 학습의 교본으로서 고려시대 이후 문인들 사이에서 널리 독서되었으며 『문선』과 함께 가장 여러번 간행된 문학 선집이기도 하였다. 그렇다면 고려와 조선에서 독서된 『초사』의 텍스트는 어떤 것이었을까? 『초사』의 텍스트로서 우리나라에서 간행된 것으로는 어떤 것들이 있으며 그 저본은 무엇이었을까? 『초사』가 고려와 조선의 문인들 사이에서 애독된 이유는 무엇이었을까? 이하, 본고는 고려말 조선초 『초사』의 수입과 간행 사실에 대해 간략히 논해보고자 한다. The death-record(Cholgi, 卒記) of Yun Hyŏng(尹炯, 1388∼1453) from Annals of King Tan Chong 端宗實錄 includes the following anecdotes of King Sejong: passing the civil service exam in 1420, Yun served as an Erudite in the Office of Diplomatic Documents 承文院博士 and was transferred to Recorder in Royal Secretariat 承政院注書, consecutively filling a variety of government posts. When Yun finally became Censor of Criminal Activities 右副承旨, he came to face the King. King Sejong was extremely complimentary about his being promoted from Recorder to Royal Secretary-transmitter within 10 years. Watching him reporting by citing a wide range of phrases from Confucian classics and historical books, King Sejong asked him how many times it took to be able to remember these texts. When he answered that he had read only about 30 times, Sejong replied, “I have read diverse publications in a total of 100 times, but just 30 times or so for Songs of Chu 楚詞 and the Collection of Letters of Su Shi and Ouyang Xiu 歐蘇手簡,” which indicated that Sejong would mainly read Confucian and historical books. Chuci, however, had not only been widely enjoyed among literati to study sentences after the Koryŏ period but published the most times in tandem with Selections of Refined Literature (wenxuan, 文選). What kind of Chuci texts had been published and enjoyed in Koryŏ and Chosŏn Korea? What are their original-texts? Why were many literati at that time into Chuci? This paper explores how Chuci was introduced and published in the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn.

조선전기 초기사림파 문인의 굴원·초사 수용 연구 -세계와의 대결과 고독의 형상화를 중심으로-

김보경 ( Kim Bo-kyeong ) 한국한문학회 2018 韓國漢文學硏究 Vol.0 No.69

본고는 조선전기 初期士林派 문인들의 屈原·楚辭 수용 양상과 그 의미를 탐색하기 위한 시도이다. 金宗直(1431~1492)은 굴·초의 일반적인 수용 방식을 보인다. 다만 세계에 대해 유화적인 태도를 취하고 자신의 출처나 처세를 해명해야 하는 상황에서 굴·초를 활용하고 있음이 유의된다. 그의 제자들은 더욱 강퍅해진 정치현실에서 세계와 치열하게 대결하면서 굴·초 수용에서도 여러 가지 대응 방식과 양상을 드러냈다. 金馹孫(1464~1498)은 응제시 「四十八詠」에서 굴원, 난초의 ‘淸’에 주목했다. 「秋懷賦」, 「疾風知勁草賦」에서는 「離騷」의 戀主之情, 美政의 이상, 우국충정을 계승하면서, 한편으로는 비애와 고독의 정조, 遊子의식을 특화해냈다. 조락의 시간, 폐쇄된 공간, 불통의 언어, 단절된 이상은 자아의 고독을 증폭시켰다. 그는 유배를 경험하지는 않았으나 일종의 심리적 유배자로서 내향적 고독에 침잠했다. 鄭希良(1469~1502?)은 혹독한 유배생활을 하면서 수많은 시를 써냈고 누구보다 자주 굴·초를 소환했다. 특히 「이소」 읽기가 생활 속에 스며들고 굴원과 틈 없는 동일화를 이루어낸 것은 그의 특장점이다. 그는 세계의 주변을 서성이면서 감정을 폭렬하거나 狂으로 이를 해소하려고 시도했다. 이 광은 도피나 초월이 아닌, 주체적, 독립적 자아의 정신, 현실비판의 정신으로 儒家세계에 걸쳐 있다. 두 사람은 세계와 대결의식을 가지고 굴·초 수용을 통해 中正을 벗어난 대응을 보여준 점에서 공통된다. 李?(?~1504)은 다른 길을 제시했다. 그는 원망이나 분노 없이 樂天知命을 노래하면서 節中을 자신의 궁극적 귀결점으로 삼았다. 온건한 심성수양의 방향을 택한 것이다. 초기사림파 문인들은 전복된 세계와 대결하면서 소외, 좌절, 몰락 같은 고난을 경험했다. 이것은 정치적 고립뿐만 아니라 심중한 정신적 고독을 형성했다. 이 고독은 국가의 善, 정치이상을 추구하다 초래된 것이라는 점에서 개인의 감정 차원을 넘어선다. 대체로 말하면 이 시기에는 온건한 내면화 방향보다는, 굴·초 수용을 통해 세계와의 대결의식과 고독을 中正을 넘어서는 수준까지 표출 또는 형상화하는 경향이 우세했다. 이 점에서 이를 15세기 후반 정신사의 한 특질로 파악해도 좋을 것이다. This study aims to explore how the early Sarimpa literati in the early Joseon period accepted Qu Yuan and the Chuci and what its acceptance means. Kim Jong-jik(金宗直, 1431-1492) seems to have shown an attitude of generally accepting Qu Yuan and the Chuci. However, he seems to have taken an appeasing attitude toward the world and to have utilized Qu Yuan and the Chuci in situations where he had to clarify his provenance and way of living. In a tough confrontation with the world in a hardened political reality, his disciples showed various responses and aspects in accepting Qu Yuan and the Chuci. Kim Il-son(金馹孫, 1464-1498) paid attention to ‘Purity’ of Qu Yuan and orchids in the poem < Sasibpalyeong(四十八詠) >. In < Chuhoebu(秋懷賦) > and < Jilpungjigyeongchobu(疾風知勁草賦) >, he inherited the love of King, the ideal of good politics, and patriotism connoted in the poem < Li Sao(離 騷) >, and highlighted the emotions of sorrow and loneliness and vagabondism. The time of leaf-falling, the closed space, the uncommunicative language and the disconnected ideal amplified the loneliness of his own self. Although he did not experience exile, he immersed himself in deep inner loneliness as a kind of psychological exile. Jeong Hee-ryang(鄭希良, 1469-1502?) wrote a lot of poems while suffering a harsh exile, and cited Qu Yuan and the Chuci more frequently than anyone else. In particular, it is his merit that reading < Li Sao > penetrated into his life, which led to his achieving almost complete identification with Qu Yuan. While standing around the world. he tried to express his feeling or dissolve it through craziness. This craziness is not escape or transcendence but the spirit of subjective and independent self and the spirit of reality criticism, and it spreads to a Confucian world. These two are common in that they showed a response out of fairness through the acceptance of Qu Yuan and the Chuci with a sense of confrontation with the world. Lee Won(李?, ?-1504) presented a different way than that. He sung a song for the realization of and conformity to God's will, without sorrow or anger, and took the direction of cultivating a well-balanced mind. The early Sarimpa literati experienced sufferings such as alienation, frustration and downfall in confrontation with the overthrown world. This formed not only political isolation but also deep loneliness. This loneliness goes beyond individual emotions in that it was generated during the search of the good of the nation and the ideal of politics. Generally speaking, at that time, there was a tendency to expose or shape a sense of confrontation with the world and loneliness through acceptance of Qu Yuan and the Chuci to a level beyond fairness rather than the direction of moderate internalization. In this sense, it can be viewed as a characteristic of the history of spirits in the late 15th century.

朝鮮刊 『選賦抄評注解刪補』引 『楚辭』 各篇之考實

賈捷 열상고전연구회 2016 열상고전연구 Vol.54 No.-

조선시기에 유통된 『선부초평주해산보(選賦抄評註解刪補)』는 필사본, 관판본, 방각본 세 종류가 있다. 『선부초평주해산보』는 필사본이 먼저 유통되었다가 지방 관아에서 목판본으로 간행하였고, 후에 또 방각본이 간행되면서 내용의 증보가 발생하였다. 『선부초평주해산보』는 『문선』 중의 부(賦) 작품들을 위주로 선별하여 수록하였고 『문선』 외에 기타 부 작품들도 추가하였다. 이 책의 관은본은 『초사(楚辭)』속의 「이소경(離騷經)」 한 편만을 수록하였고, 방각본에는 「이소경(離騷經)」 외에 또 『초사』속의 「구가(九歌)」, 「구장(九章)」, 「천문(天問)」을 더 추가하였다. 이로부터 『선부초평주해산보』는 비록 직접 『초사』를 저본으로 간행한 것은 아니지만 모두 『초사』속의 「이소경」, 「구가」, 「구장」, 「천문」을 부 작품으로 인정하고 있다는 것을 알 수 있다. 또한 『초사』 작품의 주해(注解)도 주희의 『초사집주(楚辭集注)』를 바탕으로 주석하였는데 조선 시기에 복각한 주희 『초사집주』양상림(楊上林) 간본을 저본으로 하여 수정하였을 것으로 본다. 『선부초평주해산보』의 주해에는 정확하고 합리적인 산삭도 있지만, 잘못된 삭감도 있다. 관판본 속의 「이소경」 주석에는 오류가 비교적 적고, 방각본 속의 「구가」, 「구장」, 「천문」의 주석에는 상대적으로 잘못된 부분이 많다. 그 외에 방각본의 「구가」, 「구장」, 「천문」 각 편은 많은 부분을 삭감하고 교감과 주음을 하였는데, 관판본 속의 「이소경」에는 이런 현상이 나타나지 않았다. 그러므로 조선시기에 간행한 『선부초평주해산보』간본은 조선시기의 『초사』의 「이소경」, 「구가」, 「구장」, 「천문」의 수용과 주희의 집주를 높이 평가하는 양상을 연구하는 면에서 매우 중요한 문헌적 가치가 있다. Xuanfu Chaoping Pizhu Shanbu(Deleting and Adding Commentary of Selected Works) which was circulated in Chosun era included three versions, namely written edition, offical edition and folk printed edition. This was a process of recarving, deleting and adding up for various versions, ranging from being written by hands, locally printed in official houses to being printed in the folk houses. Xuanfu Chaoping Pizhu Shanbu, mainly on fu (descriptive prose interspersed with verse) from Wenxuan (selected proses), added other proses outside Wenxuan. The official edition only selected one prose, namly Lisao Jing from Chuci, while the folk house printed edition added Jiuge Jiuzhang, and Tianwen from Chuci. The version of Xuanfu(Selected Works)was not the same as Chuci,but both official and folk printed versions identifies Lisao Jing, Jiuge, Jiuzhang, Tianwen as a piece of fu (descriptive prose interspersed with verse). Besides, Xuanfu(Selected Works), whose explanatory notes were completely based on Zhuxi’s Chuci Jizhu, was likely to be deleted and added up according to Yang Shanglin’s Chuci Jizhu reprinted in Chosun era. The explanatory notes of various chapters of Chuci in Xuanfu Chaoping Pizhu Shanbu was reasonably deleted and changed, sometimes mistakenly removed. However, compared with Jiuge, Jiuzhang and Tianwen of folk printed edition, Lisao Jing of official edition contained much less commentary errors. In addition, Lisao Jing of official edition was not deleted, collated and phonetically notated in such a large quantity in every chapter as Chuci of folk printed edition. Therefore, Xuanfu Chaoping Pizhu Shanbu had important literature value not only in exploring the acceptance of Lisao Jing, Jiuge, Jiuzhang and Tianwen in Chosun era, but also in canonizing Zhuxi’s annotation.

朝鮮時期時調對楚辭的受容研究 - 以『青丘永言』ㆍ『海東歌謠』ㆍ『歌曲源流』 三大時調集為中心 -

崔妙時 열상고전연구회 2017 열상고전연구 Vol.58 No.-

현존하는 한국의 시조 작품 중에는 초사의 수용 요소를 담지하고 있는 작품이 많다. 본고는 한국의 삼대시조집인 『청구영언』,『해동가요』,『가곡원류』에 대한 분석을 통하여, 조선시대의 관련 시조 작품을 수집 정리한 후 분석을 진행하였다. 시조는 유연한 장르 특성을 가지고 있으며, 이를 기초로 초사의 낭만적이면서도 호매한 특질에 효과적으로 삼투되었다. 초사는 고대 문학의 정화이자 전통적인 경전으로서, 조선시대 시조 작가들의 모방과 학습의 대상이 되었다. 한국의 시조 작가들은 초사의 특유한 문장 구조, 이미지, 언어 등을 시조 창작에 인용 모방하여, 시조의 내재적인 생명력을 한층 풍부하게 표현하였다. 시조의 초사 수용은 인용과 계승의 일면 만이 있는 것이 아니라, 창작의 측면 역시 간과할 수 없다. 시조에서 드러나는 민족 정서와 전통적인 정신은 시조 창작의 초사 수용 과정에서 선명하게 드러나는 특징이다. 또한 초사의 재래적인 정서와 사고는 시조를 통해 진일보 숙성 발효되어, 시조의 애국적인 정신력 전달에 있어서 감동의 깊이를 더해 주었다. The existing Sijo of Korea preserves much information about the ancient Korean's acceptance of ChuCi. This passage has collected related works from three poetry collection 『青丘永言』․『海東歌謠』․及『歌曲源流』, and expands the analysis from three aspects. By means of it's own flexibility style, Sijo corresponds to the natural beauty and magic docking of ChuCi, which has the peculiar romantic trait, and that is a combination. ChuCi as one of the ancient literature resources, uses the traditional typical style identity, and has become the object of imitation and authors always quotes from it. Special sentence, images and words of ChuCi used in Sijo greatly enriched the inherent vitality of Sijo. Sijo is not only the reference and inheritance of Chuci, but embodies innovation and unremitting efforts. Sijo's function of the poetic expression of national sentiment and the traditional spirit is strong. This capacity promotes the spirit of ChuCi in the process of acceptance and the further fermentation in the poems, and makes the expression of spirit of personality and patriotism more powerful.

试析楚辞中马意象的文学意义

张鹤 국제언어문학회 2019 國際言語文學 Vol.- No.44

楚辞是先秦时代的重要文学作品, 中国韵文的源头之一, 在文学史上 具有崇高地位和重要价值. 其中动物意象的研究对我们探索楚辞文化内 涵, 起到关键的线索作用. 马意象在楚辞中一共出现24次, 频率非常高, 是楚辞中一个极为重要的动物意象, 承载了丰富的文学, 文化内涵. 本文认为其大致可分为两类, 即现实性的马意象与人格化的马意象, 它们 有着不同的文学意义, 在楚辞中表现着不同的文学功能. 通过与《诗经》 比较发现, 楚辞中马意象的文学色彩更加浓厚, 马意象贯穿于整个诗人 的心理活动过程, 成为诗人渲染情绪, 表现心志的主要道具, 体现了南 方楚辞的虚拟和浪漫的特征. Chuci, originated in Chinese verse,is a significant literature in Pre- Chin Period.Chuci has lofty status and great value in the history of Chinese literature,in which the animal imagery provides a critical clue for exploring Chuci’s cultural connotation.Horse,a vital animal imagery,has appeared in high frequency. Based on the study of text, the horse imagery has appeared 24 times,bearing abundant literary and cultural connotation.The horse imagery in this article is divided into two aspects,the horse in reality and the personification of horse,which bears diverse literary meaning and function of Chuci.Compared with the book of songs,the horse imagery in Chuci has more literary flavor.Horse runs through the whole period of poet’s mental activity,which becomes the main performance prop of emotion and aspiration. And it shows the characteristic of unreality and romance in Chici.

试析楚辞中马意象的文学意义

??(Zhang, He) 국제언어문학회 2019 國際言語文學 Vol.- No.44

초사는 중국 선진시대의 문학작품이다. 중국 운문의 원류 중 하나로 문학사상 그 위상이 높고 중요한 가치를 지닌다. 그 중에서도 동물 이미지 연구는 우리가 초사문화의 함의를 탐색하는데 결정적인 단서를 제공한다. 말의 이미지는 초사에서 24번이나 나올 정도로 아주 중요한 동물 이미지로 문학적 그리고 문화적 함의가 풍성하게 담겨있다. 본고는 그 이미지를 크게 두 가지로 나눌 수 있다고 생각한다. 즉, 현실적인 말의 이미지와 의인화된 말의 이미지인데, 이 둘은 서로 그 문학적 의의가 달라 초사에서는 서로 다른 문학적 기능으로 표현하고 있다. 시경(诗经)과 비교해 보면, 초사에 나타난 말의 이미지가 문학적 색채가 더욱 농후하다. 말의 이미지는 시인의 심리 전 과정을 관통하는 시인의 감정으로, 마음의 의지를 표현하는 주요 도구로 활용되어 남방 초사의 상상력과 낭만적 특징을 잘 보여준다. Chuci, originated in Chinese verse, is a significant literature in Pre- Chin Period. Chuci has lofty status and great value in the history of Chinese literature, in which the animal imagery provides a critical clue for exploring Chuci’s cultural connotation. Horse, a vital animal imagery, has appeared in high frequency. Based on the study of text, the horse imagery has appeared 24 times, bearing abundant literary and cultural connotation. The horse imagery in this article is divided into two aspects, the horse in reality and the personification of horse, which bears diverse literary meaning and function of Chuci. Compared with the book of songs, the horse imagery in Chuci has more literary flavor. Horse runs through the whole period of poet’s mental activity, which becomes the main performance prop of emotion and aspiration. And it shows the characteristic of unreality and romance in Chici.

《楚辭疏》訓詁硏究

張學城(Zhang Xuecheng),薄迎迎(Bo Yingying) 중국어문학연구회 2017 중국어문학논집 Vol.0 No.106

The “Chuci Shu” of Lu Shiyong is quite famous in the late Ming Dynasty for its study on the Chuci. When annotated, Lu Shiyong strived to concise, so that the book can be “easy to beginner”. Many features in this book can make people refresh. The article introduces the exegetical characteristics of Lu Shi Yong. Exegetical features include three aspects: pay attention to the old note, widely absorb views of other people; courage to innovate; attach importance to culture. These characteristics run through the exegetical study of "Chuci Shu", which clearly reflects Lu Shiyong’s attitude.The article also introduces the shortcomings of the exegetical study of "Chuci Shu", The inadequacies include three aspects: phonetic multi-leaf sound; many discourse from the sentence, less words; inaccurate citation.

王夫之 ≪薑齋文集⋅九昭≫ 역해(2)

조성천 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.104

WangFuzhi’s JiangZhaiWenJi(薑齋文集)⋅JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which was completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated Qu Yuan(屈原)‘s ChuCi and wrote this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明)is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan, Wang Fuzhi expressed his emotions in him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi& ChuCiTongShi. This study conducts research on the translation and annotation of “WeiYing(违郢)”, “YinHuai(引懷)”, “JiongZhi(扃志)” in JiuZhao. “WeiYing(违郢)”described the grandeur of Ying City, the brilliant landscape of the State of Chu(楚國), the affluence of the culture and the radiance of the history to express his longing for the rivers and mountains of his country and the emotion of today’s devastation. “YinHuai(引懷)” described the fantasy of meeting with the king. Wang Fuzhi thought that this was an extreme thought in a situation where you can not meet, and it was the result of emotions that only people who have a firm will truly. This work was that Wang Fuzhi sang and expressed his feelings for Qu Yuan, in fact, he wrote his feelings by using this. “JiongZhi(扃志)” depicted the emotions that Gulwon must shut his noble and upright intentions. He said that the lonely loyalty of him could not be with the ancient man and had no mate to share his heart at the time. The historical figures quoted in <JiongZhi> was to reveal the intention of Qu Yuan, but in fact it was to express the feeling of shutting the will of Wang Fuzhi. For the various historical figures Wang Fuzhi cited, such as Bo Yi(伯夷)⋅Shu Ji(叔齊) etc, he showed a different perspective from the previous one. <WeiYing>⋅<YinHuai>⋅<JiongZhi> represented the situation of Wangbuji in consideration of the environment, feelings, and circumstances of Qu Yuan. This was because the history, era, and situation of the two are similar, even though Qu Yuan and Wang Fuzhi are in different times.

王夫之≪薑齋文集·九昭≫ 역해(3)

趙成千 ( Cho¸ Sungchun ) 중국어문연구회 2021 中國語文論叢 Vol.- No.106

WangFuzhi’s JiangZhaiWenJi(薑齋文集)·JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which was completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated Qu Yuan(屈原)’s ChuCi and wrote this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明) is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan, Wang Fuzhi expressed his emotions in him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi&ChuCiTongShi. This study conducts research on the translation and annotation of “DangFen(蕩愤)”, “DaoJie(悼孑)” in JiuZhao. “DangFen” is about washing away Qu Yuan’s anger. At first, Qu Yuan tried to unite with Qi(齊)to battle against Qin(秦), but the plan was restrained by ZhangYi(張仪) and JinShang(靳尚). The Furious had been accumulated, but there was no way to solve it. Even after being expelled, Qu Yuan couldn’t forget to fail to avenge the enemy and to fulfill his will. Therefore, this sentence envisioned conquering Jin and expanding the territory to the Jing River(泾水) & the Wei River(渭水) and thought of fulfilling Qu Yuan’s will and washing away his anger. “DaoJie” mourned that there had been no one to assist with the king, and although he was expelled, expressed the love for the country that he still felt sympathy for him and wanted to take care of him. These two sentences represented Wang Fuzhi’s heart regarding the historical situation in the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty and the court reality of the government of Nanming. This is because the history, times, and circumstances of the two people were similar even though the times of Qu Yuan and Wang Fuzhi were different. Wang Fuzhi highly implied and symbolized his emotions through myth, allusion and metaphor. it is the literary characteristics of the two works and is also attributed to the historical environment of the late Ming Dynasty and the early Qing Dynasty.

王夫之 ≪薑齋文集⋅九昭≫ 역해(1)

조성천 중국어문연구회 2019 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.93

Wang Fuzhi’s JiangZhai WenJi(薑齋文集)⋅JiuZhao(九昭) is an important work of his old age, originally at the end of ChuCiTongShi(楚辭通釋) which is completed in 1635. The motive of Wang Fuzhi for this work is that he imitated his work and write this work, because his career and enthusiasm for serving the government of Nanming(南明)is Similar to Qu Yuan(屈原) in the process of interpreting ChuCi. Therefore, this work adopts the method of confession and adds his interpretation behind the poem. Reffering to Qu Yuan is to express his emotions with him. It is a very important document to understand the spirit of Qu Yuan & Wang Fuzhi and to understand ChuCi & ChuCiTongShi. “XiaoXu(小序)” of JiuZhao is a description of the motive for writing JiuZhao, One is that Song Yu(宋玉, 298~222 B.C.) and Liu Xiang(劉向, 79~8 or 77~6 B.C.) did not fully understand the spirit of Qu Yuan, so he tried to reveal the sprit of Qu Yuan through JiuZhao. Another one is that he had gone through a great deal of hardship in the late Ming and early Qing China, but the regret which had no choice but to regain his own will, was worse than that of Qu Yuanf, because he wanted to describe his mind through JiuZhao. “Gu Zheng(汨征)” is the expression that Qu Yuan was sent into the Jiang Nan Province and felt sadness and depression when he saw that the different land of country between Yuan Xiang(沅湘) and Ying(郢), and so he expresses feelings that can not forget the country with sorrow. “Shen Li(申理)” is the expression of the feelings that the Qu Yuan is loyal to the king, angry with the courtesans and the feelings that Qu Yuan can not tell express yet. Wang Fuzhi’s JiuZhao represented himself through Qu Yuan.