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- 저자 : 李春馥(Lee Chun-Bok) (검색결과 20 건)
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李春馥(Lee, Chun-Bok) 한국사학사학회 2005 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.12
Around 1898, Kang you-wei's reform-route was undergoing a rapid transformation. Prior to 1898, his political-line mainly focused on convening parliaments(Yilang System or a kind of bicameral Assembly), he still stuck to the fundament on the Suffrage of choosing a person from 10000 doors, and emphasized the functions and rights of Lower house, such as accept and here a Civil's Petition, consent to financial, as well as supervise over Administrative commend. Reversely, posterior to 1898, it was the system and authority(or functions) of Upper House that played a leading part in Kang's political-line, though his activities of ‘Baoguohui(保國會)’ kept radical-line in some degree. Kang's shifting reform-line of posterior to 1898 was centrally expressed in his 『Sixth Memorial』 to the Throne. Bases on these cognition, firstly, this essay focus on backdrop to dedicatedkang's 『Sixth Memorial to the Guangxu-Emperor』, such as Gao xie-zeng's recommendation to the Throne for Kang and his interview with zongliyamen,the Emperor's expression for reform, Kang's status shifting between time gap that he made out a draft of 『The Fifth Memorial』 and 『The Sixth Memorial』. Secondly, the other delve into analysis the important contents of 『the Sixth Memorial』, where the main comparison among 『the Fifth Memorial』 and 『the Sixth Memorial』, and ‘bureau of institution(制度局)' of Upper house-like organization and it's function, such as legislative and political consultation is noted, as well as deal with ‘Twelve bureau(十二局)’,‘Bureau of reformed administration(新政局)’, ‘bureau of civil administration(民政局)’, and so on. Lastly, this essay attempts to explain historical material's value and it's signification of Kang's 『The sixth Memorial』, where reform activities which maintain close ties with his sixth Memorial during Refom movement period of 1898 are discussed.
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청말 梁啓超의 정치사상에 대한 인식 변화 : 민주주의에서 국가주의로의 전환을 중심으로
이춘복(Lee, Chun-Bok) 한국사학사학회 2013 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.27
본고에서는 기존 연구성과를 비판적으로 수용하여, 점진설의 시각에서 양계초 사상전환과정과 그의 국가주의 관점을 논의하였다. 연구의 초점은 양계초가 루소와 몽테스키외 등의 민주사상에서 블룬칠리의 보른하크 등의 국가주의로 전환과정과 그의 국가주의 관점을 검토하였다. 1903년 이전 양계초는 근대 서구 민주제도의 핵심사상이라 할 수 있는 루소의 사회계약설과 몽테스키외의 삼권분립을 통해, 천부인권, 사회계약론, 주권재민설 등을 받아들이고 있다. 이를 기반으로 양계초는 서구의 자유, 민권 등 민주주의 가치를 긍정적으로 평가하고 중국의 전제군주제를 비판하는 동시에, 파괴와 혁명, 그리고 민주공화국의 건설 등 개혁파로서 급진적이고 과격한 주장을 펼칠 수 있었다. 양계초의 정치사상이 민주주의에서 국가주의로 전환한 것은 1903년 미주 여행이후 돌변한 것이 아니라, 1903년 이전부터 점차적으로 변한 것이다. 그가 국가주의 학설에 처음으로 관심을 갖게 된 것은 1899년 블룬칠리의 『국가론』에 대한 번역부터이지만, 1901년 『루소학안』을 소개할 때까지만 해도, 그의 사상은 민주주의의 입장을 견지하였다. 그의 사상이 국가주의로 동요하기 시작한 것은 1902년 일련의 국가주의 관련 문장을 발표하면서 부터이다. 이후 그는 국가주권·국가인격·국가유기체·국가조화론 등 국가주의 사상에 대한 흥미를 갖게 되었음은 물론 점차 경도되는 경향을 보이고 있다. 1902-1903년 미국 방문 기간 중 발표한 『신중국미래기』에서 양계초는 그의 국가주의 입장을 작중 인물인 독일 유학파 황극강에게 주입시켜, 그의 사상이 국가주의로 전환하였음을 간접적으로 드러내고 있다. 1903년 미국방문 후 발표한 ｢정치학 대가 블룬칠리의 학설｣의 발표는, 양계초가 공화정체와의 공개적으로 결별했음을 의미할 뿐 아니라, 그가 1903년 이전에 주장한 루소와 몽테스키외의의 삼권분립과 사회계약설, 그리고 『신중국미래기』에서 작중 인물인 이거병을 통해 제기한 루소, 벤덤, 밀 등의 ‘주권재민’, ‘사회계약’ ‘자유평등’, ‘민권’ 등의 정치사상과 결별하겠다는 선언이기도 하다. 국가주의로의 공개천명 후, 양계초는 1902년 이전 그가 꿈꾸었던 민주주의를 전면부정하고 국가주의를 적극 수용하여 자신의 정치주장과 여론형성의 이론적 도구로 사용하고 있다. 양계초는 우선, 역사적 사실과 국민자격 결여의 이유로 루소의 사회계약론·천부인권론·주권재민설 자체를 근본적으로 부정하고, 국가유기체설과 국가 조화론을 근거로 몽테스키외의 삼권분립의 실현 가능성을 비판하였다. 이와는 대조적으로 국가유기체설·국가주권·국가인격·국가법인 등 국가주의 관점을 채택하여 그의 정치주장에 반영하고 있다. 또한 양계초는 각종 이해관계와 충돌에 초연한 최고의 국가기관을 상정하여, 이를 통해 권력분립 대신 권력집중을 강조하고, 권력기관과의 상호견제 대신 권력 통합과 조화를 주장하고 있다. 이러한 초월적 국가주권과 최고의 국가기관은 그 자체가 목적이자 첫 번째 정의로, 국가의 목적과 안위에 따라 국민 개개인을 수단으로 다룰 수 있다는 국가목적론의 내용을 포함하고 있다. In this treatise, through the opinion of gradualism, the change of political philosophy of Liang Qi-chao from democracy to statism will be examined carefully based on existing studies. Before 1903, Liang Qi-chao adopted natural rights, social contract, the doctrine that sovereignty resides in the people, and so on through the theory of social contract of J.J. Rousseau and the separation of three powers of Montesquieu, which are the cores of modern western democracy. Based on the thoughts, he positively assessed values of western democracy such as people rights and freedom, and also condemned despotic monarchy. At the same time, he insisted his radical opinions about destruction and revolution, the establishment of democratic republic, and other opinions as a radicalist. The change of political philosophy of Liang Qi-chao did not occur rapidly after traveling in the U.S. in 1903, yet it gradually happened before 1903. His first confrontation to statism was in 1899, when he translated ｢The theory of the State｣ of J.C. Bluntschil. However, he still had belief in democracy even in 1901, when he introduced ｢J.J. Rousseau'S XUE-AN[學案｣. His shifting toward statism began when he posted several papers about statism in 1902. After the events, he showed his interest in state sovereignty, the personality of the State, the organic nature of the State, the harmonious of the State, and other statism theories, inclining strongly toward statism. In his book ｢The Future of the New China｣, which was announced during his traveling in the U.S. from 1902 to 1903, he infused his opinion about statism into Huang Ke-qiang, who had studied in Germany, showing the change of his political ideas. The publication of ｢The theory of J.C. Bluntschil, a great political scientist｣ was a declaration of farewell to democratic republic system to the public. Moreover, it also disclosed that he does not believe in political thoughts such as the theories of J.J. Rousseau and Montesquieu, and the rejection of social contrast, freedom and equality, the right of citizens, and the doctrine that sovereignty resides in the people by showing Li Qu-bing in his book ｢The Future of the New China｣. After being a statist, his aspects of statism made him deny every part of democracy, which he had wanted his nation to be before 1902. Rather than democracy, he fully accepted statism, and utilized it to create his political philosophy and formation of public opinions. First of all, because of historical facts and incapacitation of the people, he fundamentally denied social contrast, natural rights, and the doctrine that sovereignty resides in the people of J.J. Rousseau, and criticized the possibility of realization of separation of three powers of Montesquieu with the organic nature of the state and the harmonious of the State. On the other hand, he adopted the cores of statism such as the organic nature of the State, state sovereignty, the personality of the State, legal state, and other statism-related theories, using these to enforce his political philosophy. Also, he emphasized the need of the supreme body of the state that does not consider various concerns of others. Through this, he insisted that the concentration of the power is significant, and, rather than mutual control of the bodies of the state, there should be the unification of the power and harmony. His declaration includes the theory of the end of the State which asserts superior state sovereignty and the supreme body of the state are the purposes themselves and the prior justice, providing the power that perceives each citizens as a means to realize the end of the State.
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약용 버섯 중 노루궁뎅이 버섯 열수 추출물의 항염증 효과
이춘복(Chun Bok Lee) 한국조리학회 2012 한국조리학회지 Vol.18 No.4
Macrophage-derived nitric oxide (NO) plays an important role in immune responses. Overproduction of NO by inducible nitric synthase (iNOS) is known to be closely correlated with the pathology of a variety of diseases and inflammations. This study investigated the inhibitory effect of extract from various mushrooms (Phellinus linteus (PL), Inonotus obliquus(IO), Sarcodon aspratus(SA), Hericium erinacium(HE), and Russula cutefracta(RC)) on NO production and its molecular mechanism in lipopolysaccharide (LPS)-stimulated RAW264.7 cells. Among the mushrooms, HE extracts exhibited the strongest NO-inhibition activity, It was also found that HE extract inhibited LPS-induced iNOS and COX-2 expression in RAW264.7 cells, The present results give the understanding of biological activities of mushrooms and encourage their application for supplements and cook.
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李春馥(Lee, Chun bok) 역사교육연구회 2017 역사교육 Vol.144 No.-
The political opinion reformists asserted during the Reformist Movement are the core values that fits their two political doctrines, which are establishing parliament and Enactment of Constitution. The assertion for the foundation of parliament, which is based on people’s suffrage, is historically significant in that it made a breakthrough that breaks the lock so called Emperor centered bureaucratic system. Also, even though the modernistic constitutional monarchy system reformists like Kang Yu Wei demanded was not close to that of Britain, it still can be said that it is almost as good as those of Germany and Japan at the time. Of course, reformists turned to senate based political route after Kang Yu Wei’s Sixth Memorial to the Throne, but they never rejected the political idea of establishing elected lower house; they simply delayed the time of its foundation to after the foundation of bureau of institution(制度局, Senate) and enacting ktroyierte constitution, and set it aside as future goal. Although, this never reached to the point of ultimate rejection of monarchy like popular sovereignty, it was still historical event in that it was the first political experiment that led to procedural democratic era, which was totally different from the highly concentrated absolute monarchy.
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