Bruce Cumings Korea's Place in the Sun : A Modern History W. W. Norton & Company , 1997 , 527

조석곤 경제사학회 1998 經濟史學 Vol.25 No.-

20세기 한국 토지소유구조의 변동 - 전북 김제군의 사례를 중심으로 -

조석곤 한국사회과학연구소 2005 동향과 전망 Vol.65 No.-

식민지근대를 둘러싼 논쟁의 경과와 그 함의: 경제사학계의 논의를 중심으로

조석곤 한국외국어대학교 역사문화연구소 2015 역사문화연구 Vol.53 No.-

지난 사반세기동안 한국에서는 식민지시대 사회성격을 둘러싼 논쟁이 계속되고 있다. 식민지근대화논쟁이라고 불리는 이 논쟁은 애초 일제 식민지하에서도 개발이 이루어졌다는 경제사학계의 주장 때문에 촉발되었는데, 최근에는 그 경제성장의 실상을 둘러싸고 진행되고 있다. 이 논쟁을 소개함에 있어 본고의 목표는 두 가지이다. 첫째, 이러한 논쟁구도가 형성되게 된 지성사적 배경을 살펴봄으로서 이 논쟁이 소위 ‘87년 체제’로 불리는 한국사회의 발전전망을 둘러싼 논쟁의 일환임을 보인다. 둘째, 이 논쟁의 최근 쟁점은 ‘근대적 경제성장’의 존재 및 생활수준관련 논의, 그리고 해방 후 경제발전과의 연관성 등 두 가지로 압축될 수 있는데, 기존 연구로부터 이 주제에 대한 새로운 관점을 제시한다. During the last thirty years there has been considerable debate concerning the features of socio-economic change in Korea under Japanese rule. These controversies were initially sparked by the challenging argument that the Korean economy experienced a kind of modern economic growth during the colonial period. More recently the debate has turned to the standard of living of colonial Koreans. In surveying these controversies, this presentation has two aims. First, in searching for the intellectual background of these controversies I show that they are related to the path of the prospects for the so-called ‘1987 Regime’ in South Korea. Second, I will provide my own analyses of some of the central points of contention in these debates such as the starting point of modern economic growth in Korea, the standard of living in colonial Korea, and the effect of colonial economic growth on the rapid development of modern South Korea.

농업구조조정의 좌절과 소득정책으로의 전환- 1960년대 후반 농지법 제정 논의를 중심으로

조석곤,황수철 한국사회과학연구회 2004 동향과 전망 Vol.- No.61

The Efforts for Executing Renovation Plans of the Agrarian Structure and its Frustration in the 1960s. 농업구조조정의 좌절과 소득정책으로의 전환: 1960년대 후반 농지법 제정 논의를 중심으로

『부동산공화국 경제사』 (전강수 지음), 여문책, 2019

조석곤 경제사학회 2019 經濟史學 Vol.43 No.2

토지 등급으로 살펴본 식민지기와 농지개혁기 토지 생산성의 변화: 원주시 호저면 사례

조석곤 한국사회과학연구회 2015 동향과 전망 Vol.- No.94

Using land register, this paper analyses the trends of land productivity during colonial period and land reform period at Hojeo-myeon, Wonju-city. Effects of rural structural change from colonial landlord system to owner- peasant system in productivity growth after Korean land reform are inferred from the analysis. The land productivities are calculated by land price, lease price, and yield standard; these represent the productivity of the early 1910s, the late 1930s, and the late 1950s respectively. Regression analysis of productivity change including variables related to the land owner information shows as following facts. First, the owned-size or local residence of landowner did not have a significant impact on land productivity growth, It means that the manage participation effect of colonial landowner in productivity growth did not exist. Second, the productivity growth rate in the colonial period, 25.3% was almost similar to that in the land reform period, 20.2%. This shows that after land reform owner-peasants have increased in production input more than the colonial period. 이 글은 토지대장을 이용하여 식민지기와 농지개혁기의 토지 생산성 증가율을분석하고, 그에 기초하여 식민지 지주제에서 자작농 체제로 변화한 것이 토지 생산성에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지 추론한 것이다. 토지대장에 기록된 과세지가, 임대가격, 표준 수확량 등으로부터 각각 1910년대 초반, 1930년대 후반, 그리고1950년대 후반의 토지 생산성을 계산할 수 있는데, 이를 토지 소유자 정보를 포함하여 회귀분석을 시행했다. 첫째, 식민지기 지주의 소유 규모 또는 현지 거주여부 등 지주 관련 변수들은 토지 생산성 변화에 유의한 영향을 미치지 않았다. 지주의 경영 참여 효과가 없었거나 크지 않았음을 의미한다. 둘째, 생산성 증가율은 식민지기 25.3%와 농지개혁기 20.2%로 거의 비등했다. 이는 농지개혁에의해 자작농이 된 농민들은 소득증대라는 ‘인센티브’에 의해서 요소 투입을 증대함으로써 식민지하 성립된 기술 체계를 더 강력하게 작동시켰다고 볼 수 있다.

조선토지조사사업 연구를 둘러싼 최근 쟁점에 대한 소론

조석곤 한국사회과학 연구협의회 1999 社會科學論評 Vol.- No.18

역사적 사실에 대한 평가는 시대에 따라 달라지지 마련이다. 세기의 전환기에서 한국사의 주요한 과제는 이제 더 이상 일제잔제 청산일 수는 없다. 변화하는 국제 정세 속에서 한국사회의 존립 방향을 모색하고, 분단 50년의 질곡을 청산하는 일이 무엇보다 시급하다. 즉 이 시대의 과제는 근대국가의 수립이 아니라 근대의 유산을 극본한 탈근대의 사회를 구축하는 일이 될 것이다.

조선시대 양안의 정확성에 관하여 : 언양 양안 및 깃기의 분석

趙錫坤 尙志大學校 1998 論文集 Vol.20 No.-

Since Onyang yangjon in 1871 was done just before kwangmu yangjon, it shows us the latest form of old yangan. In this paper, I chose two villages randomly-Samdongmyon Pounri and Ch'oilli located in Ulsan, Kyongnam now. Yangan of Namsamdong(南三同) remains two. I call them A and B yangan each. A-yangan(奎 15013) was made earlier and the sizes of gyolbu in some plots were amended in B-yangan(奎 15008) later. I draw some conclusions from analysing Onyang yangan. First, though ch'aho(字號) was generally fixed every five gyols, this principle was not strictly observed in B-yangan. So the sum of gyolbu of each ch'aho was omitted in B-yangan. Second, The gyolbu was amended in B-yangan. Generally the gyolbu was calculated only by area and rank, but this principle was not observed in some plots. Third, the form of kiju was generally a real name, not a homyong(戶名, the name of a house). Finally, the area of yangan was underestimated about 20% in comparison with that of tojidaejang. But it was more accurate than in kwangmu yangan of which underestimation was 30-90%. As yangan didn't reflect on real land ownership, each up made another tax-levying book for tax collection, this was called haengshim(行審). Ch'akpu(作夫) was the process of deciding actual amount of taxation by haengshim. For this process, sowon(書員, the local official who make kitki) gathered the plots by each taxpayer. To decide one's burden, the give-and-take process of plots was needed. After this process, kitki was completed. 5 volumes of Kitki on Onyang remain until now. The kitki of Namsamdong(奎 15021) was one of them. Letters were written with exact style in yangan, but with cursive style in kitki. Moreover the numbers were written with unique style, so most people, except sowon, couldn't tead kitki. Sowon intended to monopoly the process of making kitki and to appropriate the fruits gained from this work. The name on kitki was generally homyong, but there were 19 taxpayers(out of 361, 5.3%) who were recorded by real names without homyong. This reflected on the change of tax collection system. Second, the gyolbu of a plot on kitki could be different from that in yangan by the reduction of gyolbu due to natural damage. Third, the number of a plot on kitki was somwtimes misspelled by the mistakes of sowon(62 cases out of 494, 12.6%). Though the gyolbu of a plot in kitki was not strikingly different from that in yangan, the size of gyolbu was diminished in the plots which were running waste. Year by year after yangjon, the gap became wider. Bae Yongsun(1988) and Cho Sokkon(1995) compared the gyol in gyolsuyonmyongbu(結數連名簿) with the pyong in tojidaejang, and they concluded that there was no correlation between gyol and pyong.

변화와 저항을 날줄과 씨줄로 짠 한국근대의 지세제도사 : 『한국근대 지세제도와 농민운동』(이영호 2001 서울대학교출판부)

조석곤 한국역사연구회 2002 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.44

보은군 회남면에서 진행된 ‘두 번의 토지개혁’에 의한 농지 경영규모 변화에 관한 비교 연구

조석곤 한국상업교육학회 2020 상업교육연구 Vol.34 No.3

This paper compares and analyzes the characteristics of land-distributed peasants in Land reform in South Korea and land-alloted peasants in the Occupied Area in Hoenam-myeon, Boeun-gun. The data used in this work are the Land Register, the Repayment Ledger, the Distributed farmland Ledger prepared by South Korea, and the Land Contribution Certificate prepared by North Korea. The land ledger was used for information necessary to supplement these ledgers. The information of the first land-distributed peasants in Land reform in South Korea at the time of the land reform just before the Korean War is from the Repayment Ledger ('South Korea list 1'). The information of the final land-distributed peasants in Land reform in South Korea is from the Distributed farmland Ledger ('South Korea list 2'), In addition, the information of the land-alloted peasants in the Occupied Area is from the Land Contribution Certificate prepared by North Korea (‘North Korea list’) The findings of this paper can be summarized into two main categories. From individual land parcel analysis, we deduced that North Korea's land reform had a huge impact on the rural community in South Korea in that it was an attempt to redistribute the entire farmland, even if it was not realized. Second, in the process of changing the land ownership structure after the land reform, it was confirmed that the process of equalizing the scale of ownership and management was carried out regardless of the scale of ownership prior to the land reform after 'Two land reforms' in Hoenam-myeon. However, in the process, it was confirmed that a significant number of the landless farmers who were given farmland only in North Korea's land reform were later excluded from land ownership.