성지(聖旨)를 통해 본 여말선초의 정치 · 외교 환경

이명미(Lee, Myungmi) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.121

This article examines the continuing aspects of the political and diplomatic environment of the late Goryeo Dynasty and early Chosun Dynasty in terms of the emperor’s words acting in Goryeo and Chosun politics. The phenomenon that the Chinese emperor mentions Goryeo’s internal a airs and such a holy words actually worked in Goryo politics happened for the first time under the power structure of the Mongol subjugation period, in which the Mongol emperor was the real best authority in Goryo politics. The Mongol emperor’s mandate regarding the internal affairs of the Goryeo dynasty served as a power to impose sanctions if it were violated. This phenomenon showed a change and the Ming emperor did not act directly on the internal affairs of Goryo or Chosun. However, the founding forces of Chosun Dynasty summoned the Ming emperor’s authority according to their own needs. Through the process of interpretation, the Holy words of Ming Hongmu-je provided the cause of founding Chosun, that is “the abolition of the fake and the realization of the king(廢假立眞)”. Even after the founding of the Chosun Dynasty, Hongmu-je‘s words, “Seong’gyo Jayu(聲敎自由)/Jawi Seong’gyo(自爲聲敎)” provided a justification for resolving the problems that Joseon faced as a different country from China in the process of implementing Chinese artifacts. Thus, there are differences in the way in which the Mongol Emperor and the Ming Emperor act on the internal affairs of Goryeo or Chosun respectively. However, the aspect of power or authority outside the country of Goryeo or Chosun ‘acting on domestic issues’ can be said to be the same political and diplomatic environment since the Mongolian repression.

고려에 하가(下嫁)해 온 몽골공주들의 정치적 위치와 고려-몽골 관계: 제국대장공주(齊國大長公主)의 사례를 중심으로

이명미 ( Myungmi Lee ) 이화사학연구소 2017 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.54

This thesis aimed to study the political position of Mongol princesses who married Goryeo Kings in the context of Mongol Empire`s state system in a large format. Under the decentralized state system of the Mongol Empire, the princes existed as decentralization forces like queens, kings (諸王), and royal sons-in law. Therefore, Mongol princesses who married Goryeo Dynasty kings not only represented the Mongol Empire, the state, but also represented each royal family as kings (諸王)` daughters. Their political capabilities and connections were based on their parents`, especially their fathers` background rather than the Mongol emperor`s court itself. Princess Qutluqkelmish (齊國大長公主), the daughter of emperor Qubilai, and her husband king Chungryul (忠烈王) were able to actively utilize her personal infrastructure, specifically the ger-un ko`us (怯怜口, 私屬人) not only in the process of exercising their political power, but also in the process of `negotiating` with the emperor. However, the ger-un ko`us of other Mongol princesses from families who had low share in imperial politics or who`s fief was located far from the court failed to play such political role in Goryeo. Princesses also formed decentralization forces along with their husbands. Therefore, Mongol princesses married Goryeo Kings did not necessarily have the same interests with the Mongol court or the emperor in various phases of Goryeo-Mongol relations. The conflict between princess Qutluqkelmish and Darugachi (達魯花赤), a supervisor on behalf of the Mongol court, showed that the political position of the Mongol princess was a decentralization force. In summary, to systematically understand political positions of Mongol princesses in Goryeo-Mongol relations, it is necessary to pay attention to individual and familial relationship among Goryeo kings, Mongol emperors, Mongol kings, the fathers of princesses.

역사·한국사 교과서 ‘고려‐ 몽골 관계’ 서사 재구성 제안

李命美(Lee, Myungmi) 역사교육연구회 2021 역사교육 Vol.160 No.-

Through several revisions to the curriculum, the goal of history education has changed to add elements such as cultivating historical thinking skills and civic awareness, based on the element of establishing self-identity-national consciousness. The current textbook’s narrative related to the Goryeo-Mongol relationship is faithfully structured in the educational goal of establishing national consciousness. This narrative has not been presented in a historical context or avoided from the current perspective, which can be said to be the essence of history and history subjects, making it impossible for students to fully understand the perception and response of the “current” other, the “Goryo” people to Mongol. In addition, by conveying distorted images based on our incomprehension of the Mongol, this narrative does not educate the value of mutual respect necessary to solve the problems that arise in our relationships with others. History education is needed to reveal the structure and context of the Goryeo-Mongol relationship and reveal various perspectives of the Goryeo people on such relationships and objects so that learners can understand the perceptions and actions of Goryeoy people, the “current others.” For this, it is thought that a reconstructed open narrative that can modify or supplement the closed and biased narrative of the current textbook is needed. This paper presents an example of the reorganized narrative related to the Goryeo-Mongol relationship.

恭愍王代후반 親明정책의 한 배경

이명미(Myungmi, Lee) 한국사학회 2014 史學硏究 Vol.- No.113

고려-몽골 관계 및 그에 기반한 권력구조는 공민왕 5년 개혁을 계기로 많은 변화를 보인 가운데에도 그 여파를 남기고 있었으며, 이는 공민왕대 후반 친명정책의 한 배경으로 작용했다. 공민왕은 동왕 5년의 개혁을 마무리하면서 몽골에 요구한 사안들 가운데 한 가지인 ‘덕흥군 송환의 청’을 통해 ‘현재’ 자신의 국왕권에 위협이 되고 있던 기철세력을 자의적으로 주살한 것을 넘어 향후 국왕위와 관련해 또 다른 권력주체로서 문제를 발생시킬 가능성을 갖고 있던 인물의 신병까지 스스로 장악하고자 했다. 이는 현실정치적인 면에서 몽골 황제권이 실질적 최고권이 되는 관계 및 구조를 청산하려는 요구였다. 몽골은 덕흥군을 송환하지 않았으며, 이는 고려-몽골 관계 및 권력구조가 온전히 청산되지 못했음을 보여준다. 몽골과의 관계 및 그에 내재한 몽골 복속기 권력구조의 여파는 공민왕 11년 기황후 세력의 폐위시도를 통해 현실적인 가능성으로 공민왕에 의해 재인식되었다. 공민왕 폐위시도는 무위로 돌아갔지만, 이때의 경험을 통해 공민왕은 몽골이 ‘책봉국’이 되는 관계는 언제든 여건이 되면 동아시아적 관계의 요소와 몽골적 관계의 요소가 유기적으로 연결되어 있던 동왕 5년 이전의 고려-몽골 관계로 전환이 가능하다는 사실을 보다 적극적으로 의식하게 되었던 것으로 보인다. 또한 공민왕은 이 사건을 통해 자신의 후사가 없는 상황에서 몽골과 연계되어 있던 瀋王의 존재 의미를 재인식하게 되었다. 공민왕의 신료들에 대한 장악력 또한 확고하지 못한 가운데 대안이 없는 상황에서 유지되고 있던 ‘몽골’과의 관계는 언제든 그의 존립을 위협할 수 있는 것이었다. 공민왕이 동왕 17년(1368) 明의 大都점령 이후 몽골과의 관계 단절 및 명과의 관계 형성에 다소 강박적인 모습을 보였던 것은 여러 가지 현실적인 상황에 대한 고려와 함께 ‘과거’ 몽골과의 관계 및 권력구조에 대한 기억 및 그 관계의 여파가(내부적 상황) ‘현재’의 몽골과의 관계를 통해 공민왕을 압박한 결과물이었다고 생각된다. The Goryeo - Mongol relationship and the power structure based on it went through many changes due to the reform in 1356 and left their aftereffects, which worked as a background for the Ming - friendly policies during the latter days of King Gongmin(恭愍王)"s reign. King Gongmin wrapped up his reform in 1356, trying to abolish the Ki Cheol(奇轍) force that was threatening his "current" royal authority and further dominate the recruits of those who had the potential to cause problems as other subjects of power in relation to royal authority in future by making a "request for Deokheunggun(德興君)"s repatriation" among his many requests to the Mongol empire. It was his request to be done with the relationship and structure in which the imperial authority of the Mongol empire would become the supreme power in practice in the aspect of real politics. Mongol, however, did not send back Deokheunggun to Goryeo, which indicates that the Goryeo - Mongol relationships and power structure were not completely settled. The aftermath of Goryeo"s relationships with the Mongol empire and the power structure inherent in them during the Mongol subjection period was perceived as a realistic possibility again by King Gongmin through the attempt to dethrone him by Empress Ki in 1362. The experience made him realize more actively that the relationship in which the Mongol empire would become an "investiture country" could turn into the Goryeo - Mongol relationship before the 5th year of King Gongmin"s reign, in which the East Asian relationship elements and Mongolian relationship elements were connected to each other more organically, anytime when the required conditions were met. King Gongmin severed Goryeo"s relationships with the Mongol and showed rather obsessive aspects to form a relationship with Ming after Ming"s conquest of Daedo(大都) in the 17th year of his reign(1368). This is partially because he took into account various realistic situations and partially because the memory and their aftermath(internal situations) of Goryeo - Mongol relationships and power structure in the "past" pressed him through the "current" relationships with the Mongol.

몽골 복속기 立省論의 구성 과정과 맥락: 초기의 立省 관련 논의를 중심으로

이명미(Lee, Myungmi) 역사학회 2021 역사학보 Vol. No.

司法문제를 통해서 본 몽골 복속기 고려국왕 위상

이명미(Myungmi, Lee) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.121

1269년 원종 복위 이후 다루가치와 몽골군이 고려에 주둔하게 되면서, 주로 軍事와 관련하여 다루가치와 管軍官이 사법권을 행사하는 사례들이 발생했다. 이러한 사법문제 처리과정에서 주목되는 지점은 다루가치와 관군관, 고려국왕 혹은 신료가 함께 사법문제를 처리하는 ‘雜問’이 이루어졌다는 점이다. 이는 約會와 같은 몽골의 합의제적 재판방식과도 맥락을 같이 하는 것으로, 총체적 감독관으로서의 다루가치와 군사업무를 주로 하는 管軍官, 그리고 고려국왕(공주) 측이 함께 軍事를 수행하는 과정에서 사법처리가 필요한 사안이 발생할 경우, 상호 이해관계를 조정하기 위한 것이었다. 雜問과정에서 이해관계가 조정되지 않았을 때에는 雜問에 참여했던 주체들이 황제의 朝廷에 나아가 서로의 입장 차이를 조율해야 했다. 1278년 충렬왕의 親朝역시 몽골의 국가체제 안에서 중요한 위상을 갖고 있었던, 직접적으로는 일본원정이라는 大業과 관련해 중요한 역할을 할 두 주체 사이의 갈등이 김방경 무고사건을 통해 外化한 가운데 더 이상의 분란을 억제하는 차원에서 요구된 것이었다. 고려국왕은 몽골 측 관인과 함께 심문하고 그 결과를 직접 보고하기 위해 入朝해야 하는 상황이 발생했고, 나아가 스스로의 정치적 처사와 관련해서 몽골 측에서 문제가 제기될 경우 그에 대한 변론을 위해 入朝해야 하는 상황도 발생했다. 이 과정에서 몽골 황제권은 그러한 분쟁을 수습하는 중재자 및 최종 결정권자로서 기능했으며, 이러한 상황은 몽골과의 관계 속에서 고려국왕의 사법적 권한 혹은 위상에 발생한 변화를 보여준다. After the restoration of King Wonjong in 1269, Darughachis got to stay in Goryeo, and the Mongolian forces also stationed in Goryeo to suppress the Revolt of Sambyeolcho, and to persuade and prepare for an expedition to Japan. Since then, there were cases in which Darughachis and officers of royal forces exercised judicial power mainly in relation to the military. The officers of royal forces exercised judicial power on their own when the military command system was clear, and Darughachis would exercise judicial power over daily matters. What is worth noting in the handling process of judicial matters during the period was “Japmun(雜問)”, in which Darughachis, officers of royal forces, and Goryeo kings or officials dealt with judicial issues together. Both Darughachis and officers of royal forces were part of the Mongolian force and followed the orders from the emperor including suppressing the Revolt of Sambyeolcho and persuading and conquering Japan. In the implementation process, however, there were differences between them: while the officers of royal forces focused on the “military” in their activities, Darughachis made responses to specific matters even covering the stabilization of common people in Goryeo. Since the Revolt of Sambyeolcho was an uprising against the king of Goryeo, as well, the forces of Goryeo were also active with suppressing it. Darughachis and officers of royal forces were, however, in different positions regarding the persuasion of and expedition to Japan. When there were issues requiring judicial settlement in the process of carrying out common military duties in that situation, they seem to have coordinated and reflected their mutual interests through the system of “Japmun.” When they failed to coordinate their mutual interests in the Japmun process, the individuals that took personal part in it had to go and see the emperor in the royal court and adjust differences in their positions. The King Chungryeol’s personal attending the emperor in 1278 can be understood in that context, which was requested to control further trouble after the conflicts between the two parties, which held an important status within the Mongolian national system and were supposed to play critical roles in the expedition to Japan more directly, grew external through the false accusation of Kim Bang-gyeong. The situation that Goryeo kings had to attend the Mongolian royal court to personally report the results of joint interrogation with the Mongolian officials in matters related to the Mongol empire and further to defend their treatment of internal affairs of Goryeo when someone raised an issue with it at the emperor’s court shows the changed status of Goryeo kings. In that process, the imperial power of Mongolia functioned as an arbitrator and final decision-maker to settle such disputes.