요대의 발해유민 연구

김위현(KIM Wee-hoyun) 고구려발해학회 2007 고구려발해연구 Vol.29 No.-

I am trying to point out the contents and errors of Some scholars of the peoples Republic of china from araund of 2000. First of all, I want to indicate the thesis framing. First, even though it was supposed to use the historical materials widely, they didn't use other Ones except their own materials. Even they sometimes did not use their own Ones either. Second, the results of predecessors should be exalted nevertheless what country they were belonged to. However they often ignored even their own ancestors' research results. Even though it is hard to collect various data, they shouldn't have given up easily. Third, considering illogical contents as the logics is absolutely discord. What are the troubles then? 1. The point of view for Dongran (東丹)'s characteristic. Whether it was country or administrative region. Dongran named theirselves as One administrative region and they also had own economical and political systems. If Dongran was One of the administrative regions, it would not be allowed to do above things. Furthermore, they are looking me negotiation with Late Tang as a diplomacy, but it is error from ignoring the existence of Late Palhae. 2. Existence of Late Palhae? It already had been proved by Japanese Watasei(和田淸) in 1916. Furthermore, Japanese Hino Kaijabro(日野開三郞)(in 1941), Korean Lee Yong-Bum(1981), Kim Wee-Hoyun(l981), and Han Gyu-Chul(l995) had reinforced it. 3. Is culture of Palhae from only T ang culture(唐文化) and contact with Han people(漢人)? Of course there are some cultures that are from contact of Tang cultures and Han people. However the root things are from Koguryo. Most residents of Palhae were from Koguryo, therefore it is really illogical that Palhae residents threw away their own cultures, the cultures of Koguryo, and accepted Tang's cultre. 4. Are Palhae and Jurchen the same race(同族)? Jurchen is the name of whole sundry races that lived around Manmong liver(滿蒙). Palhae displaced person(渤海遺民) were also called as Jurchen after Chitan Middle age. Also Wan-yen Bu(完顔部) that built chin(金) is the remaining of Silla(新羅). Therefore, Palhae and Jurchen are not the same races. 5. They presented population of Palhae as about 7~800,000. However Shin Hyung-Sik in Republic of Korea saw that it was 1,300,000, and Jang Jong-Gook in The Democratic peoples Republic of Korea calculated it 5,000,000~6,000,000. The differences are too big. They need even more accurate data providing. 6. We are disagree to the opinion that after ruins of Palhae, the Palhae people had been joined to One of 8 races of Hanjok Then, they should prove how they got new name after 700 years. Palhae people took the big role in founding Chin(金) and Chin's politics. Not only that, the existence also remains in Yan(元) country. We want to know why they had been not united during Chin(Jurchen), Yuan(Mongol), and Ching(Man-Chu) age, but the had been to only Hanjok. As you see there are so many problems that makes hard to agree. If we and they researched and investigated the exact same data that from exactly same literature, the results must be same. If not, it is considered as non-scientific and not object research. Current Chinese scholars' assertion that past four countries' history is China's history because current China territory is covering those four past countries territory is absolutely not acceptable.

中原王朝의 朝貢事例硏究

金渭顯(KIM Wee-hoyun),金龍殷(토론자) 고구려발해학회 2004 고구려발해연구 Vol.18 No.-

금(金)건국과 발해유민

김위현(KIM Wee-hoyun) 고구려발해학회 2007 고구려발해연구 Vol.29 No.-

Ranke said history should be recorded objective and scientifically. Current Chinese scholars use too much errotic arguments like these. Following are problems of Chinese scholars' concepts about [Chin foundation and Palhae people] 1. Are Jurchen and Palhae are same race? Wan-yen Jurchen who founded Chin are emigrations after the ruins of Silla so there are no any relationships. During that time period there were bunch of tribes that called Jurchen by themselves. Consequently, Wan-yen Jurchen used Palhae people politically. 2. Could the logic that China's political power was from accepted ancient China culture be formed? This is not correct. Becaues Palhae kept using Yeon Ho(年號), and they used the word 'Emperor' instead of 'King'. If they insist Palhae is local politic because of the truth that modeling system and bringing tribute, all of the other countries that interchanged with Tang are also Tang's local politics. 3. I cannot agree to the assertion that Koryo is accession of Koguryo. ①On the publication of Samguksagi(三國史記), they considered Silla, Baek Jae, and Koguryo as a One country, it is Koguryo is One of the category of Koryo's ancestor, and ②Gung Ye(弓裔) used Koryo as his first name of the country this means they succeed to Koguryo. After that Koryo Wang Gun also used Koryo as the name of his country. Beside these, in the China's Xinwudaishi(新五代史) and Jiuwudaishi(舊五代史) that are called Jung Sa(正史) refers the connection of Koguryo and Koryo. 4. When the Palhae had been founded, Jurchen helped them, Koryo wasn't even care about it. Because they did not considered as the same race. 5. We cannot agree to the assertion that Go Young-Chang's naming Dayuan(大元) of The Emperor of Great Palhae(大渤海皇帝) is for founding Political power of rivalry of powerful Leaders(割據政權). If their main purpose was Political power of rivalry of powerful Leaders, why did they used the world 'Emperor'? 6. Palhae is the country that had been built in Palhae's territory, but not the country that had been built on Tang's remaining territory. Therefore Palhae is not Tang's local politic. 7. I cannot agree to the assertion that Chin developed rapidly after ruin of Liao(遼) and Song(宋) either. Chin has lots of contents that imitated Liao's old systems after ruining them. Even though they ruined Song and operated Song's old system, they did not imitated the whole systems.

遼史屬國表考檢

金渭顯 명지대학교 1985 明大論文集 Vol.16 No.-

As a result of the study on the List of Vassal States in the Liao Shih(遼史), the following problems have emerged. Firstly, the term "vassal states" itself is thought to be unsuitabel, An important term regarding a vassal state is "tribute." The meaning of "tribute" varied from period to period. The "tribute" was used as a political and economic window through which the neighbor states of China made contacts with her. The Chinese recorded this as "tribute" so that it looked as if all the states brought a tribute to China. In the list, however, the names of small states within China are excluded but only the names of other states are put. States like Tatars(달단) and Me^ng-ku(萌맹古), which were actually no different from other small states, are listed as "formally invited states." There is no mention in the list of whether China saw these two states as ones on a parity with her. Such a state as Persia(婆斯) is mentioned in the book proper, but not in the list, Such states as Silla(新羅), Weimo(濊貊), and Mo-ho(靺鞨) had long disappeared, but are put in the list. Secondly, according to the book "China 25 Histories(二十五史)" the history books after the tenth century such as The Old Wudai Shih(舊五代史), Chin Shih(金史), Won Shih(元史), New Won Shih(新元史), Myong Shih(明史), record the so-called "barbarian states" in the classification of "foreign states," but in the Yo History two great states among them Koryo- and Hsi Hsia are dealt with as "foreign vassal states," and are put in the list of vassal states. Thirdly, states and tribes meing mixed, a state is put in both the list of vassal states and the list of tribes, which makes it difficult to identify the state. Fourthly, in Baekkwan-ji and list of northern vassal states, the names of 78 states are seen. In the list of vassal states, however, the names of 38 states are found. Though it is written that these states frequently brought tribute, the real existence of these states is dubious. Fifthly, it is often found that in the course of writing in Chinese characters the names of northern states and tribes, some according to the native sound, and some according to the Chinese translation, one state was put as two different states. Sixthly, the existence of those states whose names appear in the list of northern vassal states but are not found in the book proper and the list of vassal states is dubious. Seventhly, it is presumed that the conception of vassal states is not the one formed during the ch'i-tan period, but rather the one formed by the Mongorian at the ending period of the Won dynasty. From the seven problematic points mentioned above, it is conjectured that the Liao Shin was compiled and edited by a small number of people during a short time, just picking source materials from the previous history books and without a careful comparative examination.

契丹의 土俗考

金渭顯 명지대학교 1984 明大論文集 Vol.15 No.-

계단수엽습속(契丹狩獵習俗)의 변화에 대한 일고

김위현 한국중국학회 1994 중국학보 Vol.34 No.1

契丹의 敎育과 科擧制度考

金渭顯 명지대학교 明大論文集 Vol.17 No.-

Records on the schools are shown in the Liaoshih(遼史). The schools of Ch'i-tan(契丹)having modelled after the Chineses system, it is assumed that the curriculum and system of the schools in Chi-tan might have been much similar to those of the Tang(唐) Dynasty. The schools are recorded to have been established in the Central cities and countries; there were Gwozijian(國子監) in Shang-Ching(上京) and Choug-Ching(中京), Chingxue(京學) in five Ching(京), Fuxue(府學) in Fu(府), Jouxue(州學) in Jou(州) and Hstenxue(縣學) in Shien(縣). Actually, however, the shools are shown to have been partially extablished. Gwozijian consisted of Jihjeou(祭酒), syyeh(同業), Jiancherng(監丞), Juubuh(主簿) etc. which managed the schools, and the Shang-Ching Gwozijian, Chung-Ching Gwozijian, Chingxue, and-Fuxue, Chouxue, and Hsienxue had Borsyh(博士) Juhjiow(助敎) who taught the school. As the schools developed and accordingly even the ordinary people as well as the scholars tended to be deeply interested in studies, the culture of Liao Dynasty reached high level; emperors established schools and a mausoleum of Confucius in several places as exemplary models, exerting themselves to the publication of the Confucian classics. This seems to have been aiming at rationalizing the adoption of Chinese hereditary system at the time of the Taitzuu(太祖) in place of the Khan(汗) system by turns, and later, at cultivating Chinese officials and at indoctrinating the loyalty to the King through education. There is no Sheuanjeujyh(擧志) in the Liao Shih. But some of the contents are recorded to some extent in the Beenjih(本紀) of Liehchwan(列傳). The examination of chin-shih(進士) was not for Ch'i-tan. as a means to employ Chinese, this was used to select elites from the scholars as well as ordinary people else than Ch'i-tans. Therefore, Ch'i-tans were employed by Shih-hsuan(世選) System(a sort of hereditary system) and prevented even from applicating for the examination. By literature, the Chin-Shih examination was begun in the beginning of Huey Torng(會同) when Shih Fang(室昉), a Namkyongian was known to have passed the Chin-shih exam for the first time. Obviously, in the beginning of the nation. there seems to have been paid hardly any attention to the Civil Exam system, and it was only after T'ai-tsung(太宗) had interfered with the Late Jin(後晉) that the Civil Exam system was attended to. There were three steps of examination of Hsiang(鄕), Fu(府), and she^ng(省), in which Shy(詩) and Fuh(賦) were tested. The examination was originally planned to take place once in three years, but there having been 54 Chin-Shih examinations taken during the period of 134 years from the 6th of T'ung-ho(統和) (988) to the 2nd of Boo-Dah(保大), the emper, of Tian Tzuoh(天祚)(1122). with an average of 1 time for 2.5 years. But the examination was taken every year or every other two years during the time of Sheng-tsung(聖宗), and later, the period lengthend to some four or three years. The numbers of the successful candidators also increased from one or two during the years of T'ung-ho the minimum of 6 to maxiimum of 138 since K'ai-tai(開泰). The process of employment of the successful candidators were various. Successful cnadidators of the same Chin-Shih examination were diversely employed for general admiinistrative affairs, taxational works or military affairs. However, as they promoted to the higher positions, such divergence seems to have disappeared. The first grader in the Diann(殿) Examination was awarded of Fengjyr Dah Fu(奉直大夫) as the first position(equivalent to the Tsorng(從) 6 piin(品) of Song(宋) Dynasty), and others were awarded the position of Tsorng Shyh-rang(從事郞) (equivalent to Tsorng 8 piin of Song), and sometimes, Jiang Shyh rang(將士郞)(incomparable with any official position of Song, but equivalent to below Tsorng-9-piin of Tang.) The period of examination was not regular. Originally, the period was once for 3 years, but during the years of Shentsung,the examination was given every year or every other two years, and since the time of Hsing-tsung(與宗), once in three years. And the month the examination was taken was October before the 5th year of Jong Shi(重熙)(1036), and May or June, after the 7th of Jongshi(1038). The qualification of the candidators was also limted. In the beginning, there seems to have been hardly any limit, but since the 9th of Jongshi, doctors, fortunetellers, slaughters, slavers and the criminals were excluded from the examination. In the 5th of Gan T'ung(乾統)(1105),the descendants of the merchants were also excluded from the qualification. But, later, the system of examination became very loose and disorderly, and even some who did not take the examination were awarded the title of Chin-Shihs, while even Chin-Shihs of Song Dynasty surrended were employed through examination. During one generation of Ch'i-an, there had been taken 54 times of Chin-Shih examinations(according to the Beenjih of Liaoshih), and the successful candidators numbered 2342. Those whose names are well known number 70, while those listed in the Liaoshih, 20. The main points cleduced, as a result, from this study are as follows: first, the main purpose of the civil Exam seems to have been the selection of Chinese officials because the ruling over the chinese territory needed chinese officaials, secondly, it was an attempt to indirectly induce Ch'i-tan to keep their original respect for fighting spirit, and to effeminate the chinese or po-hai(渤海) people that they had limited the qualification of the candidators for civil Exam only to Chinese or Po-hai people excluding the Ch'i-tan, thirdly, the purpose of the execution of Civil Exam seems to have been to strengthen the trustfulness between king and retainers by establishing a teacher-discipline relation between them, and the luxurious proce dure of the ceremony for Chin-Shih seems to have been to induce the successful candidators to feel deep gratitude to the king by emphasizing that the award of Chin-Shih was being given by The king, and fourthly, it seems that the employment of Chinese people for the ruling of Chinese territory was to let them solve the difficult problem such as taxation(Shuifu 稅賦) or labour service(Fui 賦役) by themselves together with their own people.