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      • Biomechanics and dynamics of turning

        Flick, Kevin Charles University of Washington 2005 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 247375

        소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        In chapter one, I examine the extent to which a pelagic marine gastropod, Clione limacina, turns by changing its wingstroke kinematics versus shifting its tail position as a rudder. I find that there is no evidence for tail-ruddering in free-swimming animals under the conditions tested. In response to tilting a tethered animal with respect to gravity, however, the wingstroke kinematics do change. Compared to its preferred head-up orientation, when the animal is tethered at 45° or 90°, the average wing position shifts ventrally by one body width. In chapter two, I explore the effects of turning around a 90° corner for humans with and without lower-limb, below-knee amputations. I find that amputees appear to compensate for their limb loss by reducing the extent to which they shift their prosthetic limbs under their pelvis during a turn. I also find that there is no difference between intact and amputee subjects in the distribution of the body's total rotation between the two feet. In chapter three (Flick, et al., 2005), we compare the mechanical performance of prosthetic rotation adaptors to data on ankle rotation in intact humans. We find that the human ankle varies in composite stiffness throughout the stride. While none of the rotation adaptors tested varies its stiffness in the same pattern, most of them encompassed the range of human ankle rotation and torque. In chapter four, I use a finite element model of the below-knee amputee's residual limb and prosthetic socket to predict the differences in tissue strain between walking straight and turning, both with and without a prosthetic rotation adaptor. There are differences in the absolute amounts of tissue strain and its rate of increase between walking straight and turning. The inclusion of a rotation adaptor has very little effect.

      • Catalysts for oxidative dehydrogenation of alkanes at millisecond contact times

        Flick, Derrick Wilson University of Delaware 2000 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 247343

        소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        The oxidative dehydrogenation over catalysts supported on ceramic foam monoliths at high reaction temperatures (800–1000°C) with millisecond residence times can achieve olefin yields comparable to the current industrial process and offers a promising alternative to the highly endothermic pyrolysis process. Since these autothermal, monolith reactors typically operate at temperatures in excess of 800°C, the gas-phase homogeneous reactions can account for a significant proportion of the observed product distribution in these short contact time reactors. Modeling of the oxidative dehydrogenation over a Pt catalyst suggests that these gas-phase homogeneous reactions at the high temperatures quickly go to completion in times on the order of milliseconds and are responsible for a large portion of the observed product distribution. In addition to platinum, it was found that MnO<sub>x</sub> and Cr<sub> 2</sub>O<sub>3</sub> catalyst are active and selective catalysts for the oxidative dehydrogenation of ethane and can achieve a higher C<sub>2</sub>H<sub>4</sub> selectivity and C<sub>2</sub>H<sub>6</sub> conversion at a lower reaction temperature than the Pt catalyst. These catalysts, however, have a limited lifetime under certain reaction conditions in contrast to the Pt catalyst, which shows stable activity over a wide range of conditions. For the Cr<sub> 2</sub>O<sub>3</sub> catalyst, the lifetime was found to be dependent on the feed conditions (composition, dilution, and flowrate), the support material, and the weight loading of the catalyst. The limited lifetime of these catalysts was found to result from the movement of a reaction front along the length of the catalyst with time. The XPS analysis indicates that the Cr(VI) surface sites are reduced to unsaturated Cr(III) sites, which are the active sites for the oxidative dehydrogenation, which occurs, by a Mars Van Krevelen type mechanism. The addition of a small amount of copper to the Cr<sub>2</sub>O<sub> 3</sub>/ZrO<sub>2</sub> catalyst was found to significantly increase the catalyst stability and achieve stable activity at conditions comparable to the Pt catalyst. The addition of Cu, however, does not significantly affect the product selectivities or hydrocarbon conversion observed for the Cr<sub>2</sub>O<sub>3</sub>/ZrO<sub> 2</sub> catalyst. XPS analysis indicates that the higher activity of the Cu promoted catalyst is due to a higher degree of reduction and may be linked to the formation of a copper-chromate phase and not to separate Cu and Cr-oxide phases.

      • County General Fund Balances an Exploration into the Policies, Requirements, Size and Purposes of County General Fund Reserves

        Flick, Angie ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Arizona State Univ 2018 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 247343

        소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        This dissertation establishes a national exploration into the subnational fiscal policies of the United States at the county level of government. This dissertation begins a dialog about county fiscal practices and examines budget stabilization policies of county governments across the country and studies how county governments are codifying the action of setting funds aside for use during times of need. The study moves from the descriptive analysis of counties and explore quantitatively the effects of county government general fund balances and reserve practices over time and documents the reserves, revenue and expenditures of 43 counties across the United States over a five-year period, fiscal years 2012-2016 and utilizes a panel data, fixed-effects model taking into account the political, policy and service-bundles of the counties. Finally, the use of cash rather than debt for capital expenditures also known as pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) is explored through a case study of Maricopa County, Arizona. It examines the theoretical question of intergenerational equity in the funding of capital assets. The study examines Maricopa County's technical, administrative and political pillars of PAYGO, analyzing the financial and budget documents as well as presentation materials given in public meetings regarding the economic and financial condition of both the county government and the county.

      • Tumor necrosis factor-alpha (TNFalpha) and receptor activator of NFkappaB ligand (RANKL) regulate osteoclast activity: Potential therapeutic targets in wear debris-induced osteolysis

        Flick, Lisa Marie The University of Rochester 2002 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 247343

        소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        Wear debris-induced osteolysis is a significant cause of orthopaedic implant failure resulting in the need for revision arthroplasty. Osteolysis is initiated by the phagocytosis of particulate debris and secretion of pro-inflammatory cytokines from macrophages. Tumor necrosis factor-α (TNFα) is critically important in the generation of this inflammatory response and is involved in the differentiation of osteoclasts, which are responsible for the resorption of bone surrounding the prosthetic joint. Osteoclastogenesis is also dependent on receptor activator of NFκB ligand (RANKL), which is expressed on osteoblasts/bone marrow stromal cells and activated T cells. The dominant role of these two cytokines in the osteolytic process makes them excellent pharmacologic targets. Using a variety of <italic>in vitro</italic> and animal models of osteoclast activity, this research demonstrates that TNFα antagonism (via a soluble TNF receptor fusion protein) blocks cytokine production and osteoclast activity <italic>in vitro</italic> and prevents bone resorption <italic>in vivo</italic> with no effect on osteoclast survival. In the absence of an adaptive immune response, adenoviral delivery of a gene encoding a TNF receptor fusion protein resulted in sustained expression of the therapeutic protein and reduction in osteoclast activity. Inhibition of RANKL, completely blocked osteoclastogenesis and osteoclast activity <italic> in vivo</italic> and was 100-fold more potent than TNFα blockade. A portion of the osteolytic response was found to be T cell-mediated and RANKL-dependent. In an effort to assess the feasibility of RANKL inhibition in humans, possible detrimental effects on homeostatic bone formation and fracture repair were examined and found to be of minimal concern. Overall these experiments provide insight into the etiology of osteolysis, demonstrating that T cells may be involved in the pathogenesis of aseptic loosening and that both TNFα and RANKL, are involved in the inflammatory bone loss associated with particulate wear debris. This work also validates the therapeutic applications of etanercept and RANK:Fc for the treatment of aseptic loosening and indicates that RANK signaling is not absolutely required for normal bone remodeling and fracture healing.

      • 탈냉전시기 한국정부의 국제적 위상 제고 전략 : 노무현 정부의 중견국가론을 중심으로

        Flick, Laura Eileen 고려대학교 대학원 2020 국내석사

        RANK : 247343

        This study sets out to reconstruct the strategies of the Korean government to improve Korea’s international status after the end of the Cold War, focusing on the Kim Young-sam government (1993-1998), the Kim Dae-jung government (1998-2002) and the Roh Moo-hyun government (2003-2008). First, each government’s perception of Korea’s current status as well as the aspired status and related roles in international politics to that status will be examined and as a second step, the main strategies of each government for attaining that status will be analysed. Special focus will be put on the “middle power”-discourse under the Roh administration. This discourse needs to be highlighted for various reasons. Firstly, it was a significant breakaway from the “seonjiinguk” (advanced country)-discourse that had dominated the government’s goals for Korea’s international status since the Park Chung-hee regime. Secondly, the rise of the “middle power” discourse not only reflected a new confidence in Korea’s abilities to take on a greater role in international politics but also can be seen as a part of the broader phenomenon of governments trying to redefine their national identity and expand their nation’s influence in a new international political environment which emerged through changes in the international system after the end of the Cold War. In the early and mid 1990s under the Kim Young-sam administration, however, one could still see remnants of developmental thinking patterns that had dominated the discourse on Korea’s international status since the Park Chung-hee era. The division of nations into the categories of “advanced nation” (seonjiinguk) and “underdeveloped nation” (hujinguk) could still be found under the Kim Young-sam administration and this government frequently showed a strong desire to turn Korea into a “seonjinguk”. The Kim Young-sam administration still perceived Korea to be lagging behind the Western “seonjinguk” and with the intensification of globalization the fear of falling further behind was increased. In trying to secure Korea’s status in the global economy and in accelerating Korea’s development into a “seonjinguk”, the segyehwa policy and the pursuing of OECD membership can be identified as the two main strategies of this administration. Thus, this administration’s strategies to enhance Korea’s international status largely focused on the economic dimension. Notably, after indeed becoming a member of the OECD in 1996, the Kim Young-sam administration expressed Korea’s status as being on the “verge of becoming an advanced nation”. However, the Asian Financial Crisis starting in 1997 not only left Korea’s economy in a slump but also interrupted the efforts to enhance Korea’s international status. As a consequence, the most pressing task for the new president Kim Dae-jung was the recovery of the Korean economy and in turn, the goal to push Korea towards “seonjinguk” status was greatly diminished in its importance. It was under the Kim Dae-jung government then, that the “seonjinguk”-discourse first grew weaker. Instead, the Kim Dae-jung administration wanted to build up Korea’s international reputation as a trustworthy partner and the main strategy for that was trying to promote Korea as a “Cultured and Peaceful Nation”. On the one hand, it was hoped that this would encourage foreign investors to invest in Korea and on the other hand, the Kim Dae-jung administration identified the cultural sector as one of the most profitable ones of the 21st century. The other main strategy was to broaden and strengthen South Korea’s engagement in regional cooperation. Though some tentative uses of the term “middle power” can be found in a few of this administration’s diplomacy white papers to describe Korea’s status, the Kim Dae-jung government did not yet actively try to promote Korea as a middle power internationally and did not yet try to push for a more active and assertive role for Korea in international politics outside of the region. The focus on economic recovery as well as the fact that president Kim envisioned the 21st century to become an “era of coexistence and co-prosperity” can be named as key reasons for this. A turning point for how the Korean government perceived South Korea’s status was the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which showed a new confidence about South Korea’s status and along with this confidence came ambitions to expand South Korea’s role in regional as well as global politics. It was this administration that frequently labelled Korea as a “middle power” (junggyeongukga) and showed great self-confidence. While this administration felt that South Korea was up to par with other advanced nations, it did feel a gap between Korea’s capabilities and its real political leverage as well as a lack of international acknowledgement. Thus, the Roh Moo-hyun government aimed to make its status as a global middle power known. Like the previous Kim administration, the Roh administration identified culture as one of the key factors for national power in the 21st century and chose boosting Korea’s image as the main strategy to remedy its lacking international prestige. What was new however, was that the Roh administration saw culture in the light of soft power and in turn, as a means of expanding Korea’s international influence. Even the planned expansion of Korea’s ODA contribution can be seen in this light. Even though this does not fall under cultural diplomacy, the goal was still to improve Korea’s international image and to gain the reputation as a “generous global citizen”, which in turn would enhance Korea’s claim to a bigger role in international politics. Moreover, the Roh Moo-hyun administration aspired to become one of the key players of East Asia. This was reflected in the idea of making Korea an “economic hub” of the region as well as playing the “balancer” between the great powers of the region such as China, Japan and the U.S. Despite the Roh administration’s various efforts to promote South Korea as a middle power, the desired international acknowledgement largely failed to materialize at that time. Possible reasons for this are on the one hand a different understanding of what makes a nation a middle power – while the Roh administration had a more geographical understanding of the term most Western political observers put emphasis on a specific way of behavior – and on the other hand the domestic and international backlash against Roh’s “balancer” policy in particular. Nevertheless, the “middle power”-discourse that was introduced by the Roh Moo-hyun administration deserves attention as it broke away from the “advanced nation” discourse and thereby not only provided new goals for Korea’s diplomacy but also marked the turning point after which the Korean government began actively seeking a bigger role in international politics. Additionally, this discourse provided a new concept which the Korean government could use to describe its international status and it indeed turned out to be a popular new concept as it frequently resurfaced under the administrations following the Roh government. 본 연구는 냉전 종식 이후 한국 정부들의 한국의 국제적 위상을 제고하기 위한 전략을 분석하는 데에 목적이 있다. 분석 대상은 주로 김영삼 정부(1993~1998), 김대중 정부(1998~2002), 그리고 노무현 정부(2003 ~2008)이다. 각 정부의 위상 제고 전략을 분석하는 과정에서 먼저 한국의 현재 국제적 위상에 대한 자각 및 각 정부가 원하는 위상, 그리고 이와 관련된 국제정치 무대에 있어 추구하는 역할을 확인하고, 두 번째 단계로 목표하는 국제적 위상을 달성하기 위한 주요 전략을 밝히고자 한다. 본 연구는 노무현 정부의 ‘중견국가’(middle power) 담론에 초점을 둔다. 이 담론은 다음과 같은 이유로 중요시할 필요가 있다. 첫째, 노무현 정부의 ‘중견국가’ 담론은 박정희 정권 시기부터 지배 담론이었던 ‘선진국’ 담론에서 벗어났고 한국의 국제적 위상에 있어 새로운 목표를 세웠다. 두 번째, ‘중견국가’ 담론은 한국이 국제무대에서 더 적극적인 역할을 맡을 수 있다는 자신감의 반영이었다. 셋째, 탈냉전 시기에 국제정치 환경이 변화함에 따라 많은 국가들이 자국의 국제적인 위상, 역할, 그리고 국가정체성을 새롭게 정의하고자 하였는데 노무현 정부의 ‘중견국가’ 담론은 바로 이러한 경향을 반영했다. 1990년대 초중반까지 박정희 정권 하에 세워진 ‘선진국’ 담론은 주요 담론으로 유지되고 있었다. 김영삼 정부의 담론에서는 국가들을 ‘후진국’ 및 ‘선진국’으로 범주로 나누는 경향을 여전히 볼 수 있었고 김영삼 정부는 흔히 한국을 ‘선진국’으로 만들고자 하는 의지를 표명했다. 이는 김영삼 정부가 한국을 서구 선진국보다 아직도 낙후되어 있는 나라로 평가했기 때문이었다. 또한, 한창 진행중이던 세계화와 이로 인해 시작된 “무한경쟁 시대” 때문에 한국이 국제적 경제 질서에서 뒤떨어질 우려가 강해졌다. 그 결과로 김영삼 정부는 경제적 측면에 집중했고 세계화 정책과 OECD 가입을 주요 위상 제고 전략으로 선택했다. 정부는 이를 통해 국제 질서에서 자국의 지위를 지키고 한국의 ‘선진국’을 향한 개발을 가속화 시킬 수 있다고 여겼다. 사실, 1996년의 OECD 가입 이후 김영삼 정부는 한국의 국제적 위상을 “선진국의 문턱”으로 묘사했다. 그러나 1997년 금용 위기로 인해 한국의 경제적 경쟁력과 국제적 위상은 불안정하게 되었다. 그 결과 1998년에 출범된 김대중 정부에게 한국 경제를 정상화시키는 것은 가장 시급한 국정 과제였다. 반면, 한국을 ‘선진국’으로 만드는 목표의 중요성이 크게 떨어지면서 ‘선진국’ 담론은 최초로 약해졌다. 그 대신 김대중 정부는 한국이 신뢰할 수 있는 경제 협력국가라는 것을 보여주고 싶어 하였고, 이를 위해 한국을 “문화국 및 평화국가”로 홍보하는 전략을 주요 수단으로 제시했다. 이러한 이미지를 내세우면 해외 투자를 장려하는 한편, 동시에 한국의 문화 사업을 활성화시키고 한국의 국제적 경쟁력을 향상시킬 수 있다고 생각하였기 때문이었다. 김대중 정부는 21세기를 “문화의 세기”로 평가했고 그로 인해 문화외교의 중요성에 대한 인식이 증가되기 시작했다. 그 외에 김대중 정부는 지역 협력의 강화를 주요한 외교 전략으로 여겼다. 사실, 김대중 정부가 한국을 가끔 ‘중견국가’로 묘사했지만 이러한 지위를 국제적으로 홍보하지 않았다. 정부는 경제의 회복에 집중하였고 김대중 대통령이 21세기가 “공존과 공영(共榮)의 시대”가 될 것이라고 믿었기 때문이다. 노무현 정부 하에는 한국의 국제적 위상에 대한 자각 및 이에 대한 담론에 있어 큰 변화가 있었다. 노무현 정부는 한국의 위상에 대해 큰 자신감을 보여주었고 한국을 자주 ‘중견국가’로 묘사했다. 이러한 자신감과 함께 노무현 정부는 지역, 또한 국제적 무대에서 더 적극적인 역할을 추구하였다. 노무현 정부가 한국의 국력은 서구 선진국의 국력과 비교하여 충분히 강하다고 평가하는 한편, 한국의 영향력 및 한국의 위상에 대한 국제적 인정은 실제의 국력보다 부족하다고 생각하였다. 그 이유로 노무현 정부는 한국을 국제적으로 ‘중견국가’로 홍보하고자 했고 이 과정에서 문화외교, 그리고 특히 한국에 대한 이미지 향상은 주요 위상 제고 전략이었다. 노무현 정부는 문화를 한 국가의 국력의 주요 요소로 여겼고 문화외교 역시 국가의 소프트파워(soft power)를 향상시킬 수 있는 수단으로 보았다. 즉, 노무현 정부는 한국의 소프트파워를 향상시키고 이를 통해 한국의 국력에 알맞은 정치적 영향력의 강화를 추구하였다. 원래 문화외교 분야가 아닌 정부개발원조(ODA) 확대와 같은 정책도 ‘관대한 국제 시민’(generous global citizen)이라는 이미지를 구축하기 위한 도구였다. 이로 인해 노무현 정부는 국제사회로부터 ‘중견국가 한국’에 대한 인정을 받고 국제무대에서의 한국의 영향력을 향상시킬 수 있다고 예상하였다. 뿐만 아니라, 노무현 정부는 지역 내에도 한국의 영향력을 크게 확대하고자 했다. 이러한 목표는 특히 ‘균형자론’에 반영되었다. 그러나 한국은 당시에 ‘중견국가’ 역할을 수행하지 못했다는 평가가 많았다. 노무현 정부의 외교 정책 중에 비판을 받은 정책이 많았고 그 중에 특히 ‘균형자론’은 큰 비판을 받았다. 또한, ‘중견국가’에 대한 이해의 차이로 인해 노무현 정부가 해외에서부터 ‘중견국가’로의 위상에 대한 인정을 많아 받지 못했다. 서구 학자들의 대부분은 계층적인 이해와 행태와 관련한 이해를 보여주는 한편, 노무현 정부는 자주 지리적인 이해를 보여주었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 노무현 정부의 ‘중견국가’ 담론은 의미가 있었다. 우선, 1960년대부터 지배 담론이었던 ‘선진국’ 담론에서 벗어나 한국의 국제적인 위상 및 역할에 있어 새로운 목표를 세웠다. 뿐만 아니라, 노무현 정부가 ‘중견국가’ 담론 하에는 최초로 국제무대에서 한국을 위해 주도적인 역할을 하고자 하는 외교 정책을 시도하였다. 마지막으로 노무현 정부 이후 출범된 정부들도 한국의 국제적 위상을 ‘중견국가’로 홍보한 점을 주목해야 한다.

      • From Letters to Concepts: Examining the Brain Systems That Support Word Recognition and Composition in Reading

        Flick, Graham New York University ProQuest Dissertations & These 2023 해외박사(DDOD)

        RANK : 247343

        소속기관이 구독 중이 아닌 경우 오후 4시부터 익일 오전 9시까지 원문보기가 가능합니다.

        Language comprehension involves a dynamic interplay between recognizing individual units of meaning (e.g., words) and composing more complex meanings from their combinations to understand phrases and sentences. A primary objective for cognitive neuroscience research is to develop accounts of how these processes take place in the human brain. This dissertation describes a series of studies that utilized magnetoencephalography (MEG), magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), and eye-tracking to develop a precise and ecologically valid account of how visual word recognition and composition are underpinned by neural activity during reading. The first two chapters describe work that adopted simplistic, yet tightly controlled, experimental designs to characterize the interplay between word recognition and composition; finding overlapping neural activity that supports both processes in the left fusiform gyrus, and a wider network of left lateralized areas that support the composition of meaning from word combinations. The final chapter then describes the use of an emerging methodological advance, simultaneous MEG recordings with eye-tracking, to ask whether this characterization of visual word recognition generalizes to the natural behavior of interest: reading with unconstrained eye movements. This work not only provides a unique comparison of how the brain recognizes visual words when they are presented one at a time - as is common in laboratory studies - versus when the eyes are moved to fixate on them - as occurs in natural reading - but also contributes to the broader advancement of these methods, facilitating future studies that simultaneously record brain responses and eye movements to examine natural behavior.

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