This study examines the transnational practices of Chinese marriage migrants in Korean society, focusing on those living in Seoul city. In the 1990s, the rural bachelors in Korea were facing difficulties in finding proper local brides to marry. To sol...
This study examines the transnational practices of Chinese marriage migrants in Korean society, focusing on those living in Seoul city. In the 1990s, the rural bachelors in Korea were facing difficulties in finding proper local brides to marry. To solve the problem, the Korean government encouraged the cross-border marriages between rural Korean men and ethnic-Korean women in China by government-funded matchmaking programs. Since the late 2000s, with the proliferation of money-making matchmakers in Korea, foreign brides are now not limited to ethnic-Korean Chinese, but can choose from a variety of countries including China, Vietnam, Philippines, Thailand and Mongolia. Among these countries, Chinese women (both ethnic Korean and Han) are the first group to be permitted to settle down in Korean society by marriage migration and because of their similarities with Korean women in terms of cultural, emotional and sometimes racial aspects, they compose the largest proportion in foreign brides.
The hypothesis that marriage migrants' lives within the destination country shaped the Korean society's limited understanding of their lives, which integration within the new environment as the priority importance. However, at the same time, Chinese marriage migrants are keeping a connection with their home country through moving back and forth, monetary and material flows and keeping their own traditions. As a result, Chinese marriage migrants link China and Korea in a transnational social field and put themselves in between the two countries. In the Chinese marriage migrants' case, the basic reason for such transnational ties is the anxiety these women feel in Korea about their economic situations and future. Accordingly, Chinese marriage migrants' transnational practices are mainly aimed to improve their family in Korea and back home.
The above process, the transnational ties between migrants and their home country and the creation of an in-between status, are best characterized by the term 'transnationalism. The genuine lives of Chinese marriage migrants in Korean society are not being properly understood according to nation-state methodology. On the contrary, transnationalism provides a conceptual tool to think beyond territory.
This study mainly focuses on what kind of transnational practices Chinese marriage migrants have taken to connect with their home country. I divided their transnational practices into three aspects(political, economic and sociocultural) to analyse the process of establishing and maintaining transnational ties between marriage migrants and country. Chinese marriage migrants' transnational practices are influenced by both the home and destination countries' gender expectations towards women, thus practices usually happen in domestic sphere in order to maintain women migrants' families across the border. Based on the above analysis framework, I conducted in-depth interviews and analyzed the transnational experiences of 15 Chinese marriage migrants, who generally live in Seoul for at least five years.
The findings of this empirical study of transnational practices of Chinese marriage migrants in Korean society are as follows: First, I argue that marriage migrants in Korea do not constrain themselves in the destination country. Instead, they keep continuous transnational ties with their home country and create transnational lives. Second, the process of establishing transnational ties and living a transnational life challenge the old view of 'family', 'sense of identity' and 'migrant's life' within a bounded territory. Thus I argue that the in-between status created by Chinese marriage migrants' transnational practices make it possible to consider both sides as home, to form a transnational identity and to live a transnational life. In addition, women migrants' transnational practices are characterized as placing the 'transnationlized reproductive labor and caring' as the basic feature, but the influence of these women's transnational practices have the potential to scale out to the public domain through migrants' social, cultural and economic remittance. Thus I argue that women migrants' transnational practices should be regarded as a continuity through family, local community and to the nation state. This continuity has been best exemplified by Chinese marriage migrants' practices; mailing packages back home, visiting Chinese relatives and selling 'Made in Korea' products to native Chinese. All these practices contribute to the diffusion of Korean culture in China in a direct or indirect way.