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    ア ァ カ サ ザ タ ダ ナ ハ バ パ マ ヤ ャ ラ ワ ヮ ン イ ィ キ ギ シ ジ チ ヂ ニ ヒ ビ ピ ミ リ ウ ゥ ク グ ス ズ ツ ヅ ッ ヌ フ ブ プ ム ユ ュ ル エ ェ ケ ゲ セ ゼ テ デ ヘ ベ ペ メ レ オ ォ コ ゴ ソ ゾ ト ド ノ ホ ボ ポ モ ヨ ョ ロ ヲ ―

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    • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
    • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
    ㅥ ㅦ ㅧ ㅨ ㅩ ㅪ ㅫ ㅬ ㅭ ㅮ ㅯ ㅰ ㅱ ㅲ ㅳ ㅴ ㅵ ㅶ ㅷ ㅸ ㅹ ㅺ ㅻ ㅼ ㅽ ㅾ ㅿ ㆀ ㆁ ㆂ ㆃ ㆄ ㆅ ㆆ ㆇ ㆈ ㆉ ㆊ ㆋ ㆌ ㆍ ㆎ
    Α Β Γ Δ Ε Ζ Η Θ Ι Κ Λ Μ Ν Ξ Ο Π Ρ Σ Τ Υ Φ Χ Ψ Ω α β γ δ ε ζ η θ ι κ λ μ ν ξ ο π ρ σ τ υ φ χ ψ ω
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    Ä Ö Ü ä ö ü ß
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    ‘ ’ “ ” 〔 〕 〈 〉 「 」 『 』 【 】 ＂ （ ） ［ ］ ｛ ｝
    ± × ÷ ≠ ≤ ≥ ∞ ∴ ♂ ♀ ∠ ⊥ ⌒ ∂ ∇ ≡ ≒ ≪ ≫ √ ∽ ∝ ∵ ∫ ∬ ∈ ∋ ⊆ ⊇ ⊂ ⊃ ∪ ∩ ∧ ∨ ￢ ⇒ ⇔ ∀ ∃ ∮ ∑ ∏ ＋ － ＜ ＝ ＞
    、 。 · ‥ … ¨ 〃 ― ∥ ＼ ∼ ´ ～ ˇ ˘ ˝ ˚ ˙ ¸ ˛ ¡ ¿ ː ！ ＇ ， ． ／ ： ； ？ ＾ ＿ ｀ ｜
    ½ ⅓ ⅔ ¼ ¾ ⅛ ⅜ ⅝ ⅞ ¹ ² ³ ⁴ ⁿ ₁ ₂ ₃ ₄
    Æ Ð Ħ IJ Ł Ø Œ Þ Ŧ Ŋ æ đ ð ħ ı ij ĸ ŀ ł ø œ ß þ ŧ ŋ ʼn
    А Б В Г Д Е Ё Ж З И Й К Л М Н О П Р С Т У Ф Х Ц Ч Ш Щ Ъ Ы Ь Э Ю Я а б в г д е ё ж з и й к л м н о п р с т у ф х ц ч ш щ ъ ы ь э ю я
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    § ※ ☆ ★ ○ ● ◎ ◇ ◆ □ ■ △ ▽ → ← ↑ ↓ ↔ 〓 ◁ ◀ ▷ ▶ ♤ ♠ ♡ ♥ ♧ ♣ ⊙ ◈ ▣ ◐ ◑ ▒ ▤ ▥ ▨ ▧ ▦ ▩ ♨ ☏ ☎ ☜ ☞ † ‡ ↕ ↗ ↙ ↖ ↘ ♭ ♩ ♪ ♬ ㉿ ㈜ № ㏇ ™ ㏂ ㏘ ℡ ＃ ＆ ＊ ＠ ª º
    ⅰ ⅱ ⅲ ⅳ ⅴ ⅵ ⅶ ⅷ ⅸ ⅹ Ⅰ Ⅱ Ⅲ Ⅳ Ⅴ Ⅵ Ⅶ Ⅷ Ⅸ Ⅹ
    ا ب ت ث ج ح خ د ذ ر ز س ش ص ض ط ظ ع غ ف ق ک ل م ن ه و ی
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    Managing the Skies

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=G3601112

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

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    한국어
    The fundamental question this article seeks to answer concerns why the monopolitics sectoral controls by the central government were dispersed and delegated to various administrative units and localities in the way they did. More specifically, the question consists of the following two dimensions. The first concerns why, in the process of transitional reform, the central government chose to forfeit its exclusive controls over key industrial and public service sectors. The other dimension concerns the ways in which decentralization and delegation have been carried out in spatial terms. This study does not refute that the perspectives described above offer sensible explanations for the decisions to decentralize and delegate sectoral controls in reforming socialist systems and China in particular. It is suggested, however, that these macro-perspectives are not necessarily exhaustive in accounting for the particular ways in which different sectors of the Chinese economy have been deregulated spatially. That is, how closely an industrial sector had conventionally been interwoven with the military may constitute a key variable since the national-security imperative as well as the military's corporate interests could work strongly against the extensive decentralization and successful deregulation of the sector. Furthermore, efficiency at the firm level is not necessarily and automatically enhanced by the creation of a multiple number of firms in a sector. That is, if these firms are on the payroll of the government, which also has to operate as the regulator, market competition is less than ideal and, therefore, contributes little to firm efficiency.
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    The fundamental question this article seeks to answer concerns why the monopolitics sectoral controls by the central government were dispersed and delegated to various administrative units and localities in the way they did. More specifically, the que...

    The fundamental question this article seeks to answer concerns why the monopolitics sectoral controls by the central government were dispersed and delegated to various administrative units and localities in the way they did. More specifically, the question consists of the following two dimensions. The first concerns why, in the process of transitional reform, the central government chose to forfeit its exclusive controls over key industrial and public service sectors. The other dimension concerns the ways in which decentralization and delegation have been carried out in spatial terms. This study does not refute that the perspectives described above offer sensible explanations for the decisions to decentralize and delegate sectoral controls in reforming socialist systems and China in particular. It is suggested, however, that these macro-perspectives are not necessarily exhaustive in accounting for the particular ways in which different sectors of the Chinese economy have been deregulated spatially. That is, how closely an industrial sector had conventionally been interwoven with the military may constitute a key variable since the national-security imperative as well as the military's corporate interests could work strongly against the extensive decentralization and successful deregulation of the sector. Furthermore, efficiency at the firm level is not necessarily and automatically enhanced by the creation of a multiple number of firms in a sector. That is, if these firms are on the payroll of the government, which also has to operate as the regulator, market competition is less than ideal and, therefore, contributes little to firm efficiency.

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

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    한국어
    1. Breaking the "Military Monopoly" : The Politics of Demilitarization
    2. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 1 : Corporatizing Decentralization
    3. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 2 : Deconcentration and Decentralization
    4. Irrationalities of Market Expansion
    5. Rationalization and Restructuring
    6. Conclusion : Similarities and Variations
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    1. Breaking the "Military Monopoly" : The Politics of Demilitarization 2. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 1 : Corporatizing Decentralization 3. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 2 : Deconcentration and Decentralization ...

    1. Breaking the "Military Monopoly" : The Politics of Demilitarization
    2. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 1 : Corporatizing Decentralization
    3. Cracking the Center's Monopoly 2 : Deconcentration and Decentralization
    4. Irrationalities of Market Expansion
    5. Rationalization and Restructuring
    6. Conclusion : Similarities and Variations

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