A Constraint-based Approach to the Opacity Between Consonant Cluster Simplification and Tensification in Korean_preprint

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

In this paper, however, I argue that the interaction between Cluster Simplification and Tensification can be accounted for in a principled way under Correspondence Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1995; hereafter CT), without any extrinsic rule ordering or the notion of sympathy. Specifically, I will first show that dialect variation between Seoul and Kyungsang results from the different constraint ranking between Max[peripheral] and Max[sonorant], along with the undominated constraint of *Complex: Max[peripheral] outranks Max[sonorant] in the Seoul dialect whereas the latter outranks the former in the Kyungsang dialect. More importantly, I will show that tense consonants in Korean are geminates and that the high-ranked Max (C) constraint plays an important role in accounting for Tensification. Namely, it will be shown that the opacity observed in the Kyungsang dialect is due to the high ranking of Max[sonorant] and Max (C), thus dispensing with the need for extrinsic rule ordering or candidate-to-candidate faithfulness.
The organization of the paper is as follows. Section 2 presents data concerning Cluster Simplification and Tensification. Section 3 examines previous analyses and discusses some problems intrinsic to the analyses. Section 4 offers a constraint-based analysis of the interaction between Cluster Simplification and Tensification. It will be shown that the opacity problem in the Kyungsang dialect can be resolved by the high-ranking of Max[sonorant] and Max(C). Section 5 summarizes the conclusions reached.

국문 초록 (Abstract)

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다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

1. Introduction
2. Data
3. Previous Analyses
3.1 A Rule-based Analysis
3.2 A Sympathy Analysis
4. A Correspondence-theoretic Analysis
4.1 The Representation of Tense Consonants
4.2 Analysis
5. Conclusion