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      리영희의 인간주의적 사회주의에 관한 비판적 연구 = A Critical Study on the Humanistic Socialism in Young-hee Lee

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A75589507

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      Young-hee Lee called himself humanist, humanitarians, pacifist and_iconoclast. And such ideal identities he has may be defined in a word `social democracy.` He seems to define the social democracy of Western Europe, especially Northern European countries as model of ultimate humanistic society. And the reason why he thinks social democracy as an institutional model comes from a variety of contemporary historical phenomena such as collapse of USSR and East European socialistic countries, socioeconomical change of China, difficult problems of North Korean society, aggressive nature of American capitalism, illegitimacy of South Korean regime hierarchy and so forth. If Young-hee Lee is called `a humanistic socialist`, it accentuates his `humanistic` aspects rather than his `socialistic` aspects. Some people focuses more on his `socialistic` aspects and even criticizes him for socialist, but they have one-sided views on Lee. It is true that Lee criticizes capitalism, but it is unreasonable to assert that he proposes socialism as alternative way to overcome capitalism. On the supposition that Lee`s thoughts are oriented to humanistic socialism, it indicates that socialism is more `humane` than capitalism, and the `humane` means that socialism is morally superior to capitalism. Possibly, that is why Lee considered social democracy-as a moderate combination of capitalism and socialism-as advisable social system. Nevertheless, if someone may still give a question about whether Lee is socialist or capitalist, it is recommended to answer that he is closer to capitalist, rather than socialist, although he doesn`t answer to such a question itself he thinks meaningless, because Lee seems to go through his agonized speculations and thereby come to a conclusion that socialism has moral advantages to capitalism, but it is inevitable to accept capitalism(market economy) in our real world. This is a reality that humanist Lee can hardly accept and embrace, because he has been still concerned about potential risk of capitalism that is a system mainly driven by market economy and interacts with human self-interest, which may ultimately result in human and moral corruptions. Lee seems to try to resolve this problem by means of `optimism of the will.` From long-term perspectives, Lee possibly thinks that current world order still has its optimistic future, so we have to do our best to create new world order. However, such an opinion has difficulties in satisfying some people who value intelligence more than will. Lee seems to have too simple views about the combination of capitalism and socialism, and this tendency is well demonstrated by his interests in the reunification of Germany as a benchmark for resolving potential issues between South and North Korea. According to his opinions, East and West Germany could achieve peaceful reunification because of socialistic elements inherent in West Germany. So Lee simply proposes that North Korea should accept market economy, while South Korea should embrace socialism. However, this idea may have limitations, since South and North Korea have undergone very different modern history, contrary to that of West and East Germany. West and East Germany made collaborative efforts to root out Nazis after World War Ⅱ, whereas South and North Korea have walked through very different ways from each other regarding political purge of pro-Japanese group. North Korean regime rooted out pro-Japanese group radically, while South Korean regime absorbed this group into the corridors of power. Besides, German reunification has involved not a few conflicts concerned with the issue about reorganization of property right. In order that Lee`s alternative way become more convincing, it is necessary for him to show more unambiguous standpoint about the issue of property right to South and North Korea. Lee asserts that we have to overcome structural determinism. Here, the structural determinism means a sort of intellectual and ideological obstinacy, where some advocate socialism as a perfect remedy of capitalistic corruptions, while other advocate capitalism as a sole alternative of socialism. Lee`s proposal to avoid this stubborn structural determinism means that we need to recognize everyone`s individual will of freedom and the functions or values of individual subjects who have their own right to selection. Lee has such a wide insight about structure. Here, the structure has wide conceptual implications involving class structure and even ideology or thought. Despite such a wide viewpoint about structure, his proposal to avoid structural determinism looks like a sort of `mental campaign`, so it may be considered somewhat purposeless by someone who holds a concrete social system as alternative plan.
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      Young-hee Lee called himself humanist, humanitarians, pacifist and_iconoclast. And such ideal identities he has may be defined in a word `social democracy.` He seems to define the social democracy of Western Europe, especially Northern European countr...

      Young-hee Lee called himself humanist, humanitarians, pacifist and_iconoclast. And such ideal identities he has may be defined in a word `social democracy.` He seems to define the social democracy of Western Europe, especially Northern European countries as model of ultimate humanistic society. And the reason why he thinks social democracy as an institutional model comes from a variety of contemporary historical phenomena such as collapse of USSR and East European socialistic countries, socioeconomical change of China, difficult problems of North Korean society, aggressive nature of American capitalism, illegitimacy of South Korean regime hierarchy and so forth. If Young-hee Lee is called `a humanistic socialist`, it accentuates his `humanistic` aspects rather than his `socialistic` aspects. Some people focuses more on his `socialistic` aspects and even criticizes him for socialist, but they have one-sided views on Lee. It is true that Lee criticizes capitalism, but it is unreasonable to assert that he proposes socialism as alternative way to overcome capitalism. On the supposition that Lee`s thoughts are oriented to humanistic socialism, it indicates that socialism is more `humane` than capitalism, and the `humane` means that socialism is morally superior to capitalism. Possibly, that is why Lee considered social democracy-as a moderate combination of capitalism and socialism-as advisable social system. Nevertheless, if someone may still give a question about whether Lee is socialist or capitalist, it is recommended to answer that he is closer to capitalist, rather than socialist, although he doesn`t answer to such a question itself he thinks meaningless, because Lee seems to go through his agonized speculations and thereby come to a conclusion that socialism has moral advantages to capitalism, but it is inevitable to accept capitalism(market economy) in our real world. This is a reality that humanist Lee can hardly accept and embrace, because he has been still concerned about potential risk of capitalism that is a system mainly driven by market economy and interacts with human self-interest, which may ultimately result in human and moral corruptions. Lee seems to try to resolve this problem by means of `optimism of the will.` From long-term perspectives, Lee possibly thinks that current world order still has its optimistic future, so we have to do our best to create new world order. However, such an opinion has difficulties in satisfying some people who value intelligence more than will. Lee seems to have too simple views about the combination of capitalism and socialism, and this tendency is well demonstrated by his interests in the reunification of Germany as a benchmark for resolving potential issues between South and North Korea. According to his opinions, East and West Germany could achieve peaceful reunification because of socialistic elements inherent in West Germany. So Lee simply proposes that North Korea should accept market economy, while South Korea should embrace socialism. However, this idea may have limitations, since South and North Korea have undergone very different modern history, contrary to that of West and East Germany. West and East Germany made collaborative efforts to root out Nazis after World War Ⅱ, whereas South and North Korea have walked through very different ways from each other regarding political purge of pro-Japanese group. North Korean regime rooted out pro-Japanese group radically, while South Korean regime absorbed this group into the corridors of power. Besides, German reunification has involved not a few conflicts concerned with the issue about reorganization of property right. In order that Lee`s alternative way become more convincing, it is necessary for him to show more unambiguous standpoint about the issue of property right to South and North Korea. Lee asserts that we have to overcome structural determinism. Here, the structural determinism means a sort of intellectual and ideological obstinacy, where some advocate socialism as a perfect remedy of capitalistic corruptions, while other advocate capitalism as a sole alternative of socialism. Lee`s proposal to avoid this stubborn structural determinism means that we need to recognize everyone`s individual will of freedom and the functions or values of individual subjects who have their own right to selection. Lee has such a wide insight about structure. Here, the structure has wide conceptual implications involving class structure and even ideology or thought. Despite such a wide viewpoint about structure, his proposal to avoid structural determinism looks like a sort of `mental campaign`, so it may be considered somewhat purposeless by someone who holds a concrete social system as alternative plan.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 강준만, "한국 현대사의 길잡이 리영희" 개마고원 2005

      2 리영희, "평화의 빗장 연 남북 정상회담" 대담 12 : 2000

      3 리영희, "중국백서" 전예원 1982

      4 리영희, "전환시대의 논리" 한길사 1974

      5 유창선, "이영희 선생님께 드리는 편지" 1991

      6 윤평중, "이성과 우상: 한국현대사와 리영희" 2006

      7 홍윤기, "윤평중 교수에게 말한다" 한겨레 신문 2006

      8 조성환, "우상파괴자의 도그마와 우상" 2007

      9 리영희, "우리시대와 인간 후담수심서순락" 인터뷰 1996

      10 윤구병, "시론:고르비,부시,우리의 이영희 선생" (2) : 1991

      1 강준만, "한국 현대사의 길잡이 리영희" 개마고원 2005

      2 리영희, "평화의 빗장 연 남북 정상회담" 대담 12 : 2000

      3 리영희, "중국백서" 전예원 1982

      4 리영희, "전환시대의 논리" 한길사 1974

      5 유창선, "이영희 선생님께 드리는 편지" 1991

      6 윤평중, "이성과 우상: 한국현대사와 리영희" 2006

      7 홍윤기, "윤평중 교수에게 말한다" 한겨레 신문 2006

      8 조성환, "우상파괴자의 도그마와 우상" 2007

      9 리영희, "우리시대와 인간 후담수심서순락" 인터뷰 1996

      10 윤구병, "시론:고르비,부시,우리의 이영희 선생" (2) : 1991

      11 리영희, "사회주의는 끝난 것인가? 자본주의는 이긴 것인가?」, 『한국일보』 인터뷰, 1991년 6월 25일(리영희 저작집 8권)"

      12 리영희, "사회주의 실패를 보는 한 지식인의 고민과 갈등, 한국정치연구회, 1991년 1월 26일(리영희 저작집 8권, 새는 ‘좌?우’의 날개로 난다" 한길사 2006

      13 리영희, "버리지 못하는 이기주의와 버릴 수 없는 사회주의적 휴머니즘" 대담 8 : 1991

      14 리영희, "대화 리영희 저작집 11권" 한길사 2006-, 2005

      15 리영희, "대민족주의와 아시아 시민연대로 나아가자」, 말 인터뷰, 1993년 4월호(리영희 저작집 12권, 21세기 아침의 사색" 한길사 2006

      16 리영희, "극우 냉전론자들은 왜 전쟁을 부추기나" 인터뷰 12 : 1994

      17 리영희, "균형감각 키워야 통일이 있다" 인터뷰 12 : 1999

      18 리영희, "自由人,자유인" 범우사 1990

      19 리영희, "「한반도는 새 동북아시아 질서의 출발점」, 1992년 12월(리영희 저작집 8권)"

      20 리영희, "「한?중 수교를 어떻게 볼 것인가?』, 1992년 겨울(리영희 저작집 8권)"

      21 리영희, "「만나고 싶었습니다」, EBS-FM 인터뷰,? 2005년 1월 5일(리영희 저작집 12권)"

      22 리영희, "‘제로섬’적 대결구조에서 경제경쟁으로" 8 : 1993

      23 리영희, "8억 인과의 대화" 창작과 비평사 1977

      24 리영희, "6?25 47주년에 북한 동포 돕기를 생각하며" 12 : 1997

      25 리영희, "10억 인의 나라" 두레 1983

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      2016 0.61 0.61 0.62
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