Just as the end of the Cold War brought about a difference in the security paradigm, it also has given some room for reconsideration of security issues relevant to the Korean peninsula. This has raised the necessity of the Korean question to be tackle...
Just as the end of the Cold War brought about a difference in the security paradigm, it also has given some room for reconsideration of security issues relevant to the Korean peninsula. This has raised the necessity of the Korean question to be tackled from the perspectives of "comprehensive security," including economic and humanitarian dimensions, particularly since the manifestation of the North's food and refugee crisis. This article discusses four separate but interrelated aspects of the relations between North Korea and international organizations(IOs)-diplomatic/political, military/security, economic, and humanitarian-by examining whether the integration theory of functionalism and neofunctionalism is appropriate to explain the promotion of North Korean engagement by the international community.
The article argues that with respect to the inter-Korean peace process, the United Nations and other IOs have played a limited and indirect role. Yet, North Korea's interaction with the IOs has had some relevance to peace and security on Korean peninsula. From the traditional security perspective, IOs, particularly UN bodies, have continually made efforts to exercise their influence so that North Korea would comply with international law, as demonstrated by the UN Security Council's and IAEA's statements and resolutions in the case of the previous and current North Korean nuclear threats. Both inter-governmental organizations(IGOs) and international nongovernmental organizations(NGOs) have been also instrumental in promoting nontraditional security matters by providing developmental and humanitarian assistance. In this sense, this chapter has discussed the role of IOs that complements traditional government-to-government diplomacy by engaging North Korea into international society. Such efforts are necessary not only to address current North Korean problems and facilitate the inter-Korean reconciliation process, but also to help prepare for a post-Kim long n system.
North Korea's UN diplomacy seems to be increasingly important and relevant for both traditional and nontraditional causes because it can be used to strengthen its existing government. This will depend on whether the Kim long Il government can implement a new foreign policy of observing international laws and ethics and promoting international cooperation, consequently moving out of its diplomatic isolation. The success of North Korea's UN diplomacy also relies on whether it can utilize multilateral projects such as the UNDP-sponsored TRADP and humanitarian assistance by the WFP, the FAO, and other international relief organizations, in order to improve the economic and social conditions of its people. Such economic incentives and humanitarian aid can prove to be successful not only in stabilizing the domestic situation of North Korea but also in promoting a stable, peaceful, and mutually profitable interdependent situation between the two Koreas, and in further enhancing regional stability.
However, such "functionalist approaches" may not work in the case of the inter-Korean peace process, where geopolitical complications and North Korea's uncertainty prevail. Indeed, intensifying economic and social interdependence and humanitarian assistance alone have not generated the necessary conditions for the peace and security on the Korean peninsula, as manifested by the crisis driven by the North's nuclear problem. Therefore, consolidating confidence building measures in a "more traditional" political and military sector seems to be more crucial, at least in advancing North Korea's engagement with the international community. For this, the role of political leaders with strong commitment and the will to make a political breakthrough (including the rapprochement between North Korea and the United States) is of utmost importance. Still, the efforts of addressing the issue of nontraditional and 'soft' security should not be given up, and should rather be continued