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    임진왜란 시기 관군은 왜 약했는가? = What Made the Joseon Forces Frail and Inept During the War with Japan in the 1590s

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    The first nine months (Apr. 13, 1592-Jan. 9, 1593) of Hideyosh"s invasion of Korea, during which the outcome of the war was almost determined, starkly exposed the sheer imbalance of military power between Joseon and Japan. The inept response of the governmental forces of Joseon toward the invasion and the blitz tactics of the Japanese forces, supported by its overwhelming military power, are cited as the decisive factors in the outcome of the war. The ineptitude of the government forces of Joseon resulted from the following three factors.
    First, the Joseon government made a mistake in war preparations. The government was not aware that the Japanese infantry was armed with the most advanced firearms at that time. Because of this ignorance, the defense strategy of Joseon relied upon the traditional cavalry tactics, and, as a result, the government troops suffered crushing defeats in the combats in Sangju and Chungju.
    Second, the government insisted on such outdated regimentation system as Bubyeong-je ( , "all peasants convertible into soldiers" 府兵制institution), based on the Byeong-Nong ilchi-je (兵農一致制, "all farmers are to become soldiers in times of needs") system, and also Je"seung Bang"nyak-beop (制勝方略法, military strategies for victory) protocols. The government forces were composed of non-regular combatants, recruited as servicemen only at war times. Upon the order to join the army at the beginning of the war, they would avoid being recruited as much as they could, and even attempted to flee when they were called to arms. In addition, the commanding officers dispatched from the central government under the Je"seung Bang"nyak-beop protocols had little information of the troops they were in charge of. For this reason, they experienced extreme difficulties in communicating with their servicemen. In addition, their rigid manner of operating the armed troops and tactical misjudgments led to repeated defeats.
    Third, the central government was reeling from extreme strife among political factions, which resulted in inconsistent war policies. It was King Seonjo who should be held responsible for the total disarray. Even though the government got down to the war preparations three to four years before 1592 when the war began, it could not make any desired results, due to the chronic factional strife. There was no change in the internal political strife even during the war. Therefore, the war policies were administered not by a systematic scheme, but by personal networks of the bureaucrats in the central government. In the end, a ‘sense of resignation’ prevailed over the political circle of Joseon, which had no other means than prayer.
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    The first nine months (Apr. 13, 1592-Jan. 9, 1593) of Hideyosh"s invasion of Korea, during which the outcome of the war was almost determined, starkly exposed the sheer imbalance of military power between Joseon and Japan. The inept response of the go...

    The first nine months (Apr. 13, 1592-Jan. 9, 1593) of Hideyosh"s invasion of Korea, during which the outcome of the war was almost determined, starkly exposed the sheer imbalance of military power between Joseon and Japan. The inept response of the governmental forces of Joseon toward the invasion and the blitz tactics of the Japanese forces, supported by its overwhelming military power, are cited as the decisive factors in the outcome of the war. The ineptitude of the government forces of Joseon resulted from the following three factors.
    First, the Joseon government made a mistake in war preparations. The government was not aware that the Japanese infantry was armed with the most advanced firearms at that time. Because of this ignorance, the defense strategy of Joseon relied upon the traditional cavalry tactics, and, as a result, the government troops suffered crushing defeats in the combats in Sangju and Chungju.
    Second, the government insisted on such outdated regimentation system as Bubyeong-je ( , "all peasants convertible into soldiers" 府兵制institution), based on the Byeong-Nong ilchi-je (兵農一致制, "all farmers are to become soldiers in times of needs") system, and also Je"seung Bang"nyak-beop (制勝方略法, military strategies for victory) protocols. The government forces were composed of non-regular combatants, recruited as servicemen only at war times. Upon the order to join the army at the beginning of the war, they would avoid being recruited as much as they could, and even attempted to flee when they were called to arms. In addition, the commanding officers dispatched from the central government under the Je"seung Bang"nyak-beop protocols had little information of the troops they were in charge of. For this reason, they experienced extreme difficulties in communicating with their servicemen. In addition, their rigid manner of operating the armed troops and tactical misjudgments led to repeated defeats.
    Third, the central government was reeling from extreme strife among political factions, which resulted in inconsistent war policies. It was King Seonjo who should be held responsible for the total disarray. Even though the government got down to the war preparations three to four years before 1592 when the war began, it could not make any desired results, due to the chronic factional strife. There was no change in the internal political strife even during the war. Therefore, the war policies were administered not by a systematic scheme, but by personal networks of the bureaucrats in the central government. In the end, a ‘sense of resignation’ prevailed over the political circle of Joseon, which had no other means than prayer.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 머리말
    • 1. 전쟁의 발발과 조선 관군의 대응
    • 2. 관군의 허약성 원인
    • 맺음말
    • 참고문헌
    • 머리말
    • 1. 전쟁의 발발과 조선 관군의 대응
    • 2. 관군의 허약성 원인
    • 맺음말
    • 참고문헌
    • 〈Abstract〉
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 이수건, "嶺南學派의 壬亂 義兵活動, In 嶺南學派의 形成과 展開" 일조각 1995

    2 高錫珪, "來庵 鄭仁弘의 義兵活動" 2 : 1992

    3 Spence, Jonathan D., "현대 중국을 찾아서(1)" 이산 1998

    4 Jansen, Marius B., "현대 일본을 찾아서(1)" 이산 2006

    5 김성우, "조선중기 국가와 사족" 역사비평사 2001

    6 김성우, "조선시대 大丘 邑勢의 팽창 과정" 대구사학회 75 : 65-98, 2004

    7 미요지마 히로시, "조선과 중국 : 근세 오백년을 가다" 역사비평사 2003

    8 심승구, "임진왜란기 군사지휘권의 추이와 성격, In 임진왜란과 권율 장군" 전쟁기념관 1999

    9 張學根, "임진왜란기 관군의 활약, In 한국사론 22" 국사편찬위원회 1992

    10 이홍두, "임진왜란 초기 조선군의 기병 전술" 74 : 2006

    1 이수건, "嶺南學派의 壬亂 義兵活動, In 嶺南學派의 形成과 展開" 일조각 1995

    2 高錫珪, "來庵 鄭仁弘의 義兵活動" 2 : 1992

    3 Spence, Jonathan D., "현대 중국을 찾아서(1)" 이산 1998

    4 Jansen, Marius B., "현대 일본을 찾아서(1)" 이산 2006

    5 김성우, "조선중기 국가와 사족" 역사비평사 2001

    6 김성우, "조선시대 大丘 邑勢의 팽창 과정" 대구사학회 75 : 65-98, 2004

    7 미요지마 히로시, "조선과 중국 : 근세 오백년을 가다" 역사비평사 2003

    8 심승구, "임진왜란기 군사지휘권의 추이와 성격, In 임진왜란과 권율 장군" 전쟁기념관 1999

    9 張學根, "임진왜란기 관군의 활약, In 한국사론 22" 국사편찬위원회 1992

    10 이홍두, "임진왜란 초기 조선군의 기병 전술" 74 : 2006

    11 하태규, "임진왜란 초기 전라도 관군의 동향과 호남방어" 한일관계사학회 (26) : 147-180, 2007

    12 노영구, "임진왜란 초기 경상우도 의병의 성립과 활동 영역 - 김면(金沔) 의병부대를 중심으로 -" 한국역사연구회 (64) : 33-64, 2007

    13 박재광, "임란 초기 전투에서 官軍의 활동과 권율, In 임진왜란과 권율 장군" 전쟁기념관 1999

    14 宋正炫, "왜란의 발발, In 한국사 29-조선 중기의 외침과 그 대응" 국사편찬위원회 1995

    15 최영희, "왜란 전의 정세, In 한국사 29-조선 중기의 외침과 그 대응" 국사편찬위원회 1995

    16 이장희, "왜군 격퇴의 전략·전술, In 한국사 29-조선 중기의 외침과 그 대응" 국사편찬위원회 1995

    17 김성우, "선조대 사림파의 정국 장악과 개혁노선의 충돌선조 8년(1575) 동서 분당의사회경제적 배경과 관련하여" 한국사연구회 (132) : 33-74, 2006

    18 김성우, "동아시아 근세사회의 비교" 혜안 2006

    19 이정수, "경상도 임란의병의 활동 배경과 의의" 부경역사연구소 (18) : 233-264, 2006

    20 정진영, "松菴 金沔의 의병활동과 관련 자료의 검토" 대구사학회 1 (1): 109-148, 2005

    21 김성우, "忘憂堂 郭再祐에 관한 ‘불편한 진실’과 임진 의병 활동에 대한 재평가" 고려사학회 (42) : 71-111, 2011

    22 金康植, "壬辰倭亂과 慶尙右道의 義兵運動" 혜안 2001

    23 宋正炫, "壬辰倭亂論 : 官軍과 義兵의 역할 문제" 8 : 1994

    24 久保田正志, "壬辰倭亂時期 東洋三國の武器體系, In 경제사와 군사사의 새로운 모색, 壬辰亂7周甲記念 문화학술대제전" 2012

    25 Kenneth M. Swope, "Crouching Tigers, Secret Weapons : Military Technology Employed During the Sino-Japanese-Korean War, 1592~1598" 69 (69): 2005

    26 김성우, "16세기의 사림파, 진보세력이었던가?" 33 : 2003

    27 김성우, "16세기 중반 국가의 軍役 동원 방식과 星州 士族層의 대응" 18 : 2001

    28 이욱, "(호국의병의 날 국가기념일 제정을 위한) 임진의병의 역사적 의의와 현재적 가치" 선인 2009

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