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      19세기 변란 참가층의 사회적 관계망과 존재양태 = Social networks and Existence aspect of Upheaval participant in the 19th century

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104077208

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sarando’(思亂徒) is widely distributed in the late Joseon contrycide society. they were a poor scholar(貧士․寒儒) excluded or marginalized from the central and provincial power relations in the late Joseon period. Discussing Jeonggamrok(鄭鑑錄) kind of prophecy and divination, current events, they were able to determine the consciousness of kind with each other. Based on this recognizing they confered upheaval and formed a social network using blood and territorial relationship such as the primarily social relationship and Jeonggamrok and fengshui(風水) such as coronary. This network contains a hidden hope of the peoples but there was no prospect for the new society. Because networks could have a high scalability and voluntary loyalty.
      Despite these limitations we can see some meaningful facts, that is the evolution of the network. Leaders organized 'Nanbonggye'(難逢契) or ‘Samseongdanggye’(三聲堂契), this was not the existing ‘gye’(契) namely 'Donggye'(洞契) or ‘Hyodogye’(鄕徒契) but was a kind of the organization that contained several provinces. This was one of the reasons why 19th century upheaval was able to be deployed beyond one area. The other one is the expansion of the new communication space. The market and inn developed in the late Joseon period, was functions as the communication space or the main stronghold to communicate gather information and comrades.
      But Above all, the noted fact is a behavior patterns that upheaval participants concludes relationship to each other and a social phenomenon that allow such a thing. In other words is the fact that the groups have their own behavior in the form of communication was widely distributed in contrycide society, as well as the autonomous space they could communicate with each other was exteded in the late Joseon period.
      번역하기

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sara...

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sarando’(思亂徒) is widely distributed in the late Joseon contrycide society. they were a poor scholar(貧士․寒儒) excluded or marginalized from the central and provincial power relations in the late Joseon period. Discussing Jeonggamrok(鄭鑑錄) kind of prophecy and divination, current events, they were able to determine the consciousness of kind with each other. Based on this recognizing they confered upheaval and formed a social network using blood and territorial relationship such as the primarily social relationship and Jeonggamrok and fengshui(風水) such as coronary. This network contains a hidden hope of the peoples but there was no prospect for the new society. Because networks could have a high scalability and voluntary loyalty.
      Despite these limitations we can see some meaningful facts, that is the evolution of the network. Leaders organized 'Nanbonggye'(難逢契) or ‘Samseongdanggye’(三聲堂契), this was not the existing ‘gye’(契) namely 'Donggye'(洞契) or ‘Hyodogye’(鄕徒契) but was a kind of the organization that contained several provinces. This was one of the reasons why 19th century upheaval was able to be deployed beyond one area. The other one is the expansion of the new communication space. The market and inn developed in the late Joseon period, was functions as the communication space or the main stronghold to communicate gather information and comrades.
      But Above all, the noted fact is a behavior patterns that upheaval participants concludes relationship to each other and a social phenomenon that allow such a thing. In other words is the fact that the groups have their own behavior in the form of communication was widely distributed in contrycide society, as well as the autonomous space they could communicate with each other was exteded in the late Joseon period.

      더보기

      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sarando’(思亂徒) is widely distributed in the late Joseon contrycide society. they were a poor scholar(貧士․寒儒) excluded or marginalized from the central and provincial power relations in the late Joseon period. Discussing Jeonggamrok(鄭鑑錄) kind of prophecy and divination, current events, they were able to determine the consciousness of kind with each other. Based on this recognizing they confered upheaval and formed a social network using blood and territorial relationship such as the primarily social relationship and Jeonggamrok and fengshui(風水) such as coronary. This network contains a hidden hope of the peoples but there was no prospect for the new society. Because networks could have a high scalability and voluntary loyalty.
      Despite these limitations we can see some meaningful facts, that is the evolution of the network. Leaders organized 'Nanbonggye'(難逢契) or ‘Samseongdanggye’(三聲堂契), this was not the existing ‘gye’(契) namely 'Donggye'(洞契) or ‘Hyodogye’(鄕徒契) but was a kind of the organization that contained several provinces. This was one of the reasons why 19th century upheaval was able to be deployed beyond one area. The other one is the expansion of the new communication space. The market and inn developed in the late Joseon period, was functions as the communication space or the main stronghold to communicate gather information and comrades.
      But Above all, the noted fact is a behavior patterns that upheaval participants concludes relationship to each other and a social phenomenon that allow such a thing. In other words is the fact that the groups have their own behavior in the form of communication was widely distributed in contrycide society, as well as the autonomous space they could communicate with each other was exteded in the late Joseon period.
      번역하기

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sara...

      This study examined the participants' social networks and their existence aspect of two 19th-century representative upheavals(Haeseu(海西)․Youngnamin(嶺南人) upheavals and Reepiljeran(李弼濟亂)). First we could confirm the fact that ‘sarando’(思亂徒) is widely distributed in the late Joseon contrycide society. they were a poor scholar(貧士․寒儒) excluded or marginalized from the central and provincial power relations in the late Joseon period. Discussing Jeonggamrok(鄭鑑錄) kind of prophecy and divination, current events, they were able to determine the consciousness of kind with each other. Based on this recognizing they confered upheaval and formed a social network using blood and territorial relationship such as the primarily social relationship and Jeonggamrok and fengshui(風水) such as coronary. This network contains a hidden hope of the peoples but there was no prospect for the new society. Because networks could have a high scalability and voluntary loyalty.
      Despite these limitations we can see some meaningful facts, that is the evolution of the network. Leaders organized 'Nanbonggye'(難逢契) or ‘Samseongdanggye’(三聲堂契), this was not the existing ‘gye’(契) namely 'Donggye'(洞契) or ‘Hyodogye’(鄕徒契) but was a kind of the organization that contained several provinces. This was one of the reasons why 19th century upheaval was able to be deployed beyond one area. The other one is the expansion of the new communication space. The market and inn developed in the late Joseon period, was functions as the communication space or the main stronghold to communicate gather information and comrades.
      But Above all, the noted fact is a behavior patterns that upheaval participants concludes relationship to each other and a social phenomenon that allow such a thing. In other words is the fact that the groups have their own behavior in the form of communication was widely distributed in contrycide society, as well as the autonomous space they could communicate with each other was exteded in the late Joseon period.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 尹大遠, "李弼濟亂의 硏究" 16 : 1987

      2 林永祚, "寧海賊變文軸"

      3 朴周翰, "寧海賊變文軸"

      4 백승종, "조선후기 천주교와《鄭鑑錄》: 소문화집단의 상호작용" (재)한국교회사연구소 (30) : 5-46, 2008

      5 裵惠淑, "조선후기 사회저항집단과 사회변동 연구" 東國大學校 大學院 1995

      6 金仁杰, "조선후기 鄕村社會 변동에 관한 연구 : 18, 19세기 「鄕權」담당층의 변화를 중심으로" 서울大學校 大學院 1991

      7 金仁杰, "조선후기 鄕村社會 변동에 관한 연구 : 18, 19세기 「鄕權」담당층의 변화를 중심으로" 서울大學校 大學院 1991

      8 하원호, "조선후기 變亂과 민중의식의 성장" 한국사학회 (75) : 175-203, 2004

      9 윤병철, "조선후가 유랑지식인의 사회사적 의미" 20 (20): 74-, 1977

      10 연갑수, "이필제연구" 6 : 2003

      1 尹大遠, "李弼濟亂의 硏究" 16 : 1987

      2 林永祚, "寧海賊變文軸"

      3 朴周翰, "寧海賊變文軸"

      4 백승종, "조선후기 천주교와《鄭鑑錄》: 소문화집단의 상호작용" (재)한국교회사연구소 (30) : 5-46, 2008

      5 裵惠淑, "조선후기 사회저항집단과 사회변동 연구" 東國大學校 大學院 1995

      6 金仁杰, "조선후기 鄕村社會 변동에 관한 연구 : 18, 19세기 「鄕權」담당층의 변화를 중심으로" 서울大學校 大學院 1991

      7 金仁杰, "조선후기 鄕村社會 변동에 관한 연구 : 18, 19세기 「鄕權」담당층의 변화를 중심으로" 서울大學校 大學院 1991

      8 하원호, "조선후기 變亂과 민중의식의 성장" 한국사학회 (75) : 175-203, 2004

      9 윤병철, "조선후가 유랑지식인의 사회사적 의미" 20 (20): 74-, 1977

      10 연갑수, "이필제연구" 6 : 2003

      11 한국사연구회, "새로운 한국사 길잡이 (상)" 지식산업사 491-, 2008

      12 "鑑訣, In 鄭鑑錄集成" 亞細亞文化社 568-, 1981

      13 鄭起源, "錦營啓錄 제6책"

      14 "鄭洪哲, In 慶尙監營啓錄"

      15 楊永烈, "辛未晋州罪人等鞫案, In 推案及鞠案 29" 278-,

      16 金義煥, "辛未年(1871) 李弼濟亂, In 傳統時代의 民衆運動 하" 풀빛 1981

      17 "辛未三月日寧海賊變文軸, In 寧海賊變文軸" 연세대학교 국학자료실

      18 배항섭, "朝鮮後記 民衆運動과 東學農民戰爭의 勃發" 景仁文化社 63-67, 2002

      19 高成勳, "朝鮮後記 ‘海島起兵說’ 관련 變亂의 추이와 성격" 3 : 1997

      20 고성훈, "朝鮮後記 ‘海島起兵說’ 관련 變亂의 추이와 성격" 3 : 123-, 1997

      21 鄭奭鍾, "朝鮮後期社會變動硏究" 一潮閣 26-, 1983

      22 丁淳佑, "朝鮮後期 流浪知識人 形成의 社會文化的 背景" 20 (20): 12-13, 1977

      23 高成勳, "朝鮮後期 社會變動과 逆謀事件에 대하여: 特히 「鄭鑑錄」관련 事件을 中心으로" 東國大學校 大學院 1987

      24 "日省錄, 高宗 8年 6月 24日"

      25 李弼濟, "推案及鞫案 29"

      26 金守禎, "推案及鞫案" 亞細亞文化社 1978

      27 "捕盜廳謄錄 上,中,下" 保景文化社 1985

      28 李群協, "嶠南公蹟, In 嶠南公蹟"

      29 "崔先生文集道源記書, In 東學思想資料集(壹)" 亞細亞文化社 212-220, 1979

      30 裵亢燮, "19세기 후반 ‘변란’의 추이와 성격" 역사비평사 2 : 1992

      31 고석규, "19세기 조선의 향촌사회 연구" 서울대학교출판부 72-, 1998

      32 한명기, "19세기 전반 반봉건항쟁의 성격과 유형" 역사비평사 2 : 1992

      33 고성훈, "1877년 張赫晉의 楸子島 공략 모의의 추이와 성격" 30 : 2006

      34 고성훈, "1877년 張赫晉의 楸子島 공략 모의의 추이와 성격" 30 : 131-, 2006

      35 張永敏, "1871年 寧海 東學亂 硏究" 47 : 1987

      36 장영민, "1871年 寧海 東學亂" 47 : 114-, 1987

      37 張泳敏, "1840年 寧海鄕戰과 그 背景에 관한 小考" 2 : 1987

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2027 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2021-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
      2018-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2015-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2011-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2009-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2006-05-23 학회명변경 한글명 : 한국문화연구소 -> 규장각한국학연구원
      영문명 : Institute of Korean Studies -> Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies
      KCI등재
      2006-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2005-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2004-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 유지 (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2003-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.83 0.83 0.82
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.85 0.85 2.07 0.37
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