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    1980년 이후 한국교회와 국가 관계 = The Relationship between the Korean Church and the State since 1980

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A110245164

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    This paper is designed to trace the changes in the relationship between the Korean church and the state from 1980 to 2025, to analyze the characteristics of the relationship that emerged during this period based on the research papers of major researchers, and to present the author’s personal suggestions for the advanced future of this relationship in conclusion. Korea’s Constitution clearly defines the separation of church and state. However, since the First Republic in 1948, the Korean church has not faithfully complied with the norms set by the Constitution. In particular, in the 1980s, which began with the new military’s ruling, the majority of Korean churches blindly supported the Chun Doo-hwan administration, and between 1991 and 2006, conservative Protestants, the mainstream of Korean churches, transformed into anti-government forces with the emergence of left-wing regimes. Meanwhile, between 2007 and 2011, the progressive regime retreated and the conservative regime reemerged, but during the period of confusion, political collusion and religious conflict coexisted over religious controversy over preferential treatment. Between 2012 and 2023, especially in the process of the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye by “the Candlelight Revolution,” far-right forces (Taegeukgi units) emerged in earnest in the Gwanghwamun Square. And from 2024 to 2025, the Korean church quickly emerged as a hotbed of extreme rights. In particular, Rev. Jeon Kwang-hoon and Rev. Son Hyun-bo played significant roles in the midst of the turmoil of emergency martial law and presidential impeachment. As a result, the Korean churches fell into the object of criticism and concern in the world. Therefore, in order for the Korean church to recover its tarnished honor and contribute positively to Korean society, it must respond seriously to the call of the times to refrain from participating in politics blindly for private interests or specific ideologies as well as to stick to its original role and responsibility based on universal values.
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    This paper is designed to trace the changes in the relationship between the Korean church and the state from 1980 to 2025, to analyze the characteristics of the relationship that emerged during this period based on the research papers of major researc...

    This paper is designed to trace the changes in the relationship between the Korean church and the state from 1980 to 2025, to analyze the characteristics of the relationship that emerged during this period based on the research papers of major researchers, and to present the author’s personal suggestions for the advanced future of this relationship in conclusion. Korea’s Constitution clearly defines the separation of church and state. However, since the First Republic in 1948, the Korean church has not faithfully complied with the norms set by the Constitution. In particular, in the 1980s, which began with the new military’s ruling, the majority of Korean churches blindly supported the Chun Doo-hwan administration, and between 1991 and 2006, conservative Protestants, the mainstream of Korean churches, transformed into anti-government forces with the emergence of left-wing regimes. Meanwhile, between 2007 and 2011, the progressive regime retreated and the conservative regime reemerged, but during the period of confusion, political collusion and religious conflict coexisted over religious controversy over preferential treatment. Between 2012 and 2023, especially in the process of the impeachment of President Park Geun Hye by “the Candlelight Revolution,” far-right forces (Taegeukgi units) emerged in earnest in the Gwanghwamun Square. And from 2024 to 2025, the Korean church quickly emerged as a hotbed of extreme rights. In particular, Rev. Jeon Kwang-hoon and Rev. Son Hyun-bo played significant roles in the midst of the turmoil of emergency martial law and presidential impeachment. As a result, the Korean churches fell into the object of criticism and concern in the world. Therefore, in order for the Korean church to recover its tarnished honor and contribute positively to Korean society, it must respond seriously to the call of the times to refrain from participating in politics blindly for private interests or specific ideologies as well as to stick to its original role and responsibility based on universal values.

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