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      우크라이나 사태와 미중관계: 중국의 전략적 판단을 중심으로 = An Analysis of the Ukraine Crisis and U.S. - China Relations: With the Focus on China’s Strategic Consideration

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A108297941

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      Under the Biden Administration, new Cold War discourses equal to ‘China bashing’ and strategic containment of China by the U.S. have intensified. Accordingly, China’s offensive rhetoric against the U.S. and the formation of its own camps confronting the country has been also fierce and active. In the middle of the escalating rivalry between the U.S. and China came the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, a key strategic partner of China vis-à-vis the U.S. Against this backdrop, it is easy to assume that China would be hardly hesitant to support Russia and consequently the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and China will sour greatly. However, this article argues that China will be quite cautious in helping Russia and its wartime policy toward the country and the U.S. will be also conservative in general. In strategic terms, though it is true that the last thing China wants is a Russian decline due to the war or ultimate failure of the war, it has to consider strategic losses, i.e., the backlash from each of the U.S. and Europe and the mutual consolidation of the two induced by its assistance of Russia. Economically, China’s dependence on the U.S. in trade is far bigger than its reliance on Russia. Notably, it still needs U.S. soybean and wheat for its ‘food security’ when it wants Russian fossil fuels including oil, natural gas, and coal. On top of that, it is not yet independent of U.S. advanced technological design, parts, and equipment. Politically, judging by surveys, it could be argued that the Chinese people are strongly pro-Russian at this moment and the leadership will heed and reflect their voices for its own legitimacy and power retention. However, the people’s policy preference for Russia is not so much moral support or weapon provision as negotiation to end the conflict. Overall, considering the above, the Ukraine crisis will not prompt China’s sharp change of its diplomatic course for Russia and thus for the U.S. either; in this sense, the contention that the crisis will accelerate a new Cold War or consolidation of the blocs supporting the U.S. or China lacks grounds.
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      Under the Biden Administration, new Cold War discourses equal to ‘China bashing’ and strategic containment of China by the U.S. have intensified. Accordingly, China’s offensive rhetoric against the U.S. and the formation of its own camps confron...

      Under the Biden Administration, new Cold War discourses equal to ‘China bashing’ and strategic containment of China by the U.S. have intensified. Accordingly, China’s offensive rhetoric against the U.S. and the formation of its own camps confronting the country has been also fierce and active. In the middle of the escalating rivalry between the U.S. and China came the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, a key strategic partner of China vis-à-vis the U.S. Against this backdrop, it is easy to assume that China would be hardly hesitant to support Russia and consequently the bilateral relationship between the U.S. and China will sour greatly. However, this article argues that China will be quite cautious in helping Russia and its wartime policy toward the country and the U.S. will be also conservative in general. In strategic terms, though it is true that the last thing China wants is a Russian decline due to the war or ultimate failure of the war, it has to consider strategic losses, i.e., the backlash from each of the U.S. and Europe and the mutual consolidation of the two induced by its assistance of Russia. Economically, China’s dependence on the U.S. in trade is far bigger than its reliance on Russia. Notably, it still needs U.S. soybean and wheat for its ‘food security’ when it wants Russian fossil fuels including oil, natural gas, and coal. On top of that, it is not yet independent of U.S. advanced technological design, parts, and equipment. Politically, judging by surveys, it could be argued that the Chinese people are strongly pro-Russian at this moment and the leadership will heed and reflect their voices for its own legitimacy and power retention. However, the people’s policy preference for Russia is not so much moral support or weapon provision as negotiation to end the conflict. Overall, considering the above, the Ukraine crisis will not prompt China’s sharp change of its diplomatic course for Russia and thus for the U.S. either; in this sense, the contention that the crisis will accelerate a new Cold War or consolidation of the blocs supporting the U.S. or China lacks grounds.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 차대운, "중국 약점 ‘반도체’ 때리는 미국 화웨이 이어 SMIC" (11) : 50-51, 2020

      2 대외경제정책연구원, "이란, 중국과 협력 강화하는 전략 협정 체결"

      3 대한무역투자진흥공사, "우크라이나 사태의 중국 내 원자재 가격에 대한 영향은"

      4 김지운, "바이든 행정부 시기 중국의 대미외교 전망: 공세성의 원인과 한계를 중심으로" 글로벌정치연구소 14 (14): 1-21, 2021

      5 한석희, "바이든 정부의 출범과 중국의 대미전략" 신아시아연구소 28 (28): 91-112, 2021

      6 연원호, "미․중 갈등과 중국의 반도체 산업 육성전략 및 전망" KIEP 1-10, 2021

      7 왕신셴, "러-우 전쟁, 중국이 우려하는 것"

      8 김지운, "글로벌 반중 정서의 양상과 원인" 10 (10): 102-107, 2022

      9 김지운, "국제질서의대분화와 한중관계의 재구성" 선인 51-60, 2022

      10 中华人民共和国外交部, "谢锋:中美关系陷入僵局根本原因在于美国一些人把中国当作假想敌"

      1 차대운, "중국 약점 ‘반도체’ 때리는 미국 화웨이 이어 SMIC" (11) : 50-51, 2020

      2 대외경제정책연구원, "이란, 중국과 협력 강화하는 전략 협정 체결"

      3 대한무역투자진흥공사, "우크라이나 사태의 중국 내 원자재 가격에 대한 영향은"

      4 김지운, "바이든 행정부 시기 중국의 대미외교 전망: 공세성의 원인과 한계를 중심으로" 글로벌정치연구소 14 (14): 1-21, 2021

      5 한석희, "바이든 정부의 출범과 중국의 대미전략" 신아시아연구소 28 (28): 91-112, 2021

      6 연원호, "미․중 갈등과 중국의 반도체 산업 육성전략 및 전망" KIEP 1-10, 2021

      7 왕신셴, "러-우 전쟁, 중국이 우려하는 것"

      8 김지운, "글로벌 반중 정서의 양상과 원인" 10 (10): 102-107, 2022

      9 김지운, "국제질서의대분화와 한중관계의 재구성" 선인 51-60, 2022

      10 中华人民共和国外交部, "谢锋:中美关系陷入僵局根本原因在于美国一些人把中国当作假想敌"

      11 中华人民共和国外交部, "王毅阐述中方对当前乌克兰问题的五点立场"

      12 中华人民共和国外交部, "王毅就当前中美关系接受新华社专访"

      13 中华人民共和国外交部, "王毅同西班牙外交大臣阿尔瓦雷斯通电话"

      14 中华人民共和国外交部, "王毅同俄罗斯外长拉夫罗夫举行会谈"

      15 人民日報, "王 毅: 落实全球安全倡议,守护世界和平安宁"

      16 中国日报, "深化中俄全面战略协作伙伴关系"

      17 人民日報, "杨洁篪:深入学习贯彻习近平外交思想 进一步开拓对外工作新局面"

      18 中央通信社, "抗議侵略 中國男子赴俄羅斯文化中心噴溙抗議"

      19 毕洪业, "战略三角还是三边互动: 新时代的中美俄关系" (3) : 127-155, 2022

      20 贾庆国, "山穷水尽还是柳暗花明?再以中美关系" (2) : 50-26, 2022

      21 中华人民共和国外交部, "国务委员兼外交部长王毅就中国外交政策和对外关系回答中外记者提问"

      22 中华人民共和国国务院台湾事务办公室, "台湾问题与新时代中国统一事业白皮书"

      23 崔天凯, "关于中美关系的几点思考" (1) : 31-33, 2022

      24 中华人民共和国外交部, "习近平在博鳌亚洲论坛2022年年会开幕式上发表主旨演讲"

      25 新华社, "习近平在世界经济论坛“达沃斯议程”对话会上的特别致辞"

      26 新华社, "习近平同美国总统拜登通电话"

      27 新浪財經, "中国小麦进口创新高:八成来自澳美加,从俄进口不足1%"

      28 "中华人民共和国海关总署"

      29 "中华人民共和国国家统计局, 網址"

      30 中华人民共和国人民政府, "中华人民共和国和俄罗斯联邦关于新时代国际关系和全球可持续发展的联合声明"

      31 Organski, A. F. K., "World Politics" Alfred A. Knopf 1958

      32 Wang, W, "Why Do Many Chinese Sympathize with Russia in the Ukraine Conflict?"

      33 Barr, L, "US Commerce Secretary Says Export Controls on Russia Are Working"

      34 C-SPAN, "U.S.-China Summit in Anchorage, Alaska"

      35 Horwitz, J., "U.S. Strikes at a Huawei Prize: Chip Juggernaut HiSilicon"

      36 Wezeman, P., "Trends in International Arms Trensfers 2021" SIPRI Fact Sheet (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute) 1-12, 2022

      37 Lin, B., "Tracking the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis"

      38 Crabtree, J., "There’s an ‘Undeclared New Cold War’ between the US and China and It’s in Tech, Australia Ex-leader Says"

      39 Blanchette, J., "The Worse Things Go for Putin in Ukraine, the More China Will Back Him"

      40 Shifrinson, J., "The Rise of China, Balance of Power Theory and US National Security : Reasons for Optimism?" 43 (43): 175-216, 2020

      41 Li, Y., "The Remaking of China-Europe Relations in the New Era of US-China Antagonism" 2022

      42 Wang, J., "The Plot Against China? : How Beijing Sees the New Washington Consensus" 100 (100): 48-57, 2021

      43 Westad, O., "The Next Sino-Russian Split?"

      44 Friedberg, A., "The Future of U.S.-China Relations: Is Conflict Inevitable?" 30 (30): 7-45, 2005

      45 Campbell, K., "The China Reckoning : How Beijing Defied American Expectations" 90 (90): 60-70, 2018

      46 Blinken, A., "The Administration’s Approach to the People’s Republic of China"

      47 Brand Finance, "Russia’s Soft Power Collapses Globally Following Invasion, Attitudes towards Ukraine Soar"

      48 Haenle, P, "Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine Has Jeopardized the China-EU Relationship"

      49 Stent, A., "Russia and China: Axis of Revisionists?" Global China (Brookings Institution) 1-13, 2020

      50 White House, "Remarks by President Biden on America’s Place in the World"

      51 Borrell, J., "On China’s Choices and Responsibilities"

      52 Silver, L., "Large Majorities Say China Does Not Respect the Personal Freedoms of Its People" Pew Research Center 1-45, 2021

      53 "Institute for Statistics Education"

      54 Daimon, S., "Historian Niall Ferguson: We Are in Cold War II"

      55 Xinhua, "Full Text of Yang Jiechi's Speech at the Dialogue with National Committee on U.S.-China Relations"

      56 U.S. Department of Defense, "Fact Sheet: 2022 National Defense Strategy"

      57 European Commission, "EU-China: A Strategic Outlook"

      58 Putnam, R., "Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games" 42 (42): 1988

      59 Allison, G., "Destined For War-Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap?" Houghton Mifflin Harcourt 2017

      60 U.S. Department of Defense, "Deputy Secretary of Defense Dr. Kathleen Hicks Remarks on President Biden's Fiscal 2023 Defense Budget"

      61 Turcsányi, "Chinese Views of the World at the Time of the Russia-Ukraine War" Palacky University Press and Central European Institute of Asian Studies 2022

      62 US-China Perception Monitor, "Chinese Public Opinion on the War in Ukraine"

      63 Xinhua, "Chinese FM Meets U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Urging Rational China Policy"

      64 Yan, X, "China’s Ukraine Conundrum: Why the War Necessitates a Balancing Act"

      65 U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, "China’s Position on Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine"

      66 김지운, "China’s Food Security and Sino-U.S. Relations: the Case of Soybean Trade" 중국연구소 23 (23): 161-177, 2020

      67 Art, R., "China’s Ascent: Power, Security, and the Future of International Politics" 260-290, 2008

      68 Reuters, "China-Russia Trade Has Surged As Countries Grow Closer"

      69 Barrios, R., "China-Russia Relations, Congressional Research Service Reports" 1-3, 2022

      70 Observatory of Economic Complexity, "China Exports, Imports, and Trade Partners"

      71 Yang, S., "China Clarifies Neutral Stance as Russia, Ukraine Poised for Talks, Global Times"

      72 Reuters, "China Buys U.S. Soybeans on Good Profits, Despite Peak Brazil Export Season"

      73 Martin, P., "Biden’s Asia Czar Says Era of Engagement with China Is Over"

      74 Aaro, D., "Biden Says Russia is the Biggest Threat to America's Security"

      75 Office of Senator Tom Cotton, "Beat China: Targeted Decoupling and the Economic Long War"

      76 CNN, "A Chinese Vlogger Shared Videos of War-torn Ukraine. He’s been Labeled a National Traitor"

      77 中华人民共和国外交部, "2022年4月29日外交部发言人赵立坚主持例行记者会"

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