Parts and wholes in semantics

목차 (Table of Contents)

• CONTENTS
• 1 Introduction = 1
• 1.1. Part structures in the semantics of natural language = 1
• 1.2. The analogy between the semantics of plural, mass, and singular count noun phrases = 6
• 1.3. The traditional view of part structures = 11
• 1.4. The mass-count distinction : the extensional mereological account = 16
• 1.5. A new notion of part structure for natural language = 19
• 1.5.1. The information-based account of the mass-count distinction = 20
• 1.5.2. Characterizations of integrated wholes = 26
• 1.5.3. Formal properties of part structures = 27
• 1.5.4. Situated part structures = 29
• 1.6. Summary = 35
• Appendix : Comparison with other approaches = 35
• 1A.1. Notions related to the notion of integrated whole in other semantic approaches = 36
• 1A.2. The notion of integrated whole and the notion of sortal concept = 37
• 1A.3. Related approaches to the mass-count distinction = 39
• 2 The Formal Semantic Framework and the Treatment of Distributivity = 40
• 2.1. General issues concerning sentence meaning = 40
• 2.2. Compositional situation semantics for simple constructions = 43
• 2.3. The treatment of distributivity = 48
• 2.3.1. The problem of distributivity and types of distributivity phenomena = 49
• 2.3.2. Ways of treating distributivity = 51
• 2.3.3. An account of distributivity based on situated part structures and disjunctive lexical meanings = 55
• 3 Semantic Selection, Part Structures, and Perspectives = 61
• 3.1. The Accessibility Requirement = 62
• 3.1.1. The basic data and the generalization = 62
• 3.1.2. Semantic selection and perspectives = 69
• 3.2. The Integrated Parts Requirement = 87
• 3.2.1. The basic data and the generalization = 87
• 3.2.2. Constructional satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement = 91
• 3.2.3. Contextual satisfaction of the Integrated Parts Requirement = 101
• 3.3. Other part-structure-sensitive semantic selectional requirements = 102
• 4 Part Structures and Quantification = 104
• 4.1 Quantification with plural and mass NPs = 105
• 4.1.1. A uniform treatment of plural and mass universal quantification = 105
• 4.1.2. Further predictions of the account = 109
• 4.2. Existential quantification over groups and quantities = 111
• 4.3. Focused quantifiers = 116
• 4.4. 'Generalized' part quantifiers = 123
• 4.4.1. Adjectival generalized part quantifiers = 123
• 4.4.2. Generalized part quantifiers of the type all-definite NP = 128
• 4.4.3. Further properties of generalized part quantifiers = 131
• 4.5. Each other, same／different, and part quantification = 133
• 4.5.1. Reciprocals and quantification over parts = 134
• 4.5.2. Same／Different, its semantic antecedent, and the part structure of its antecedent = 135
• 5 Metrical and Other Lexical Specifications of Part Structures = 141
• 5.1. The lexical meaning of frequency expressions = 142
• 5.1.1. Frequency expressions as part-structure attributes = 145
• 5.1.2. The lexical meaning of frequency expressions as a part-structure property = 145
• 5.1.3. Implications of the lexical semantics of frequency expressions = 149
• 5.2. German mass quantifiers = 152
• 5.2.1. The metrical determiner manche(s) = 152
• 5.2.2. German vague count quantifiers and the mass-count distinction = 156
• 5.3. Conclusions = 161
• 6 Dimensions of Parts and Wholes and the Part Structure of Events = 163
• 6.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects and events = 163
• 6.2. Integrity in different dimensions = 164
• 6.2.1. Adverbial and adnominal part-structure modifiers = 165
• 6.2.2. An account based on relativized integrity and perspectives = 169
• 6.3. Parts in different dimensions = 175
• 6.3.1. Multidimensional part structures of objects = 175
• 6.3.2. Multidimensional part structures of events = 178
• 6.4. Apparent ambiguities with vague event quantifiers and frequency expressions = 182
• 6.5. Apparent ambiguities with adverbs of completion = 184
• 6.5.1. The part-quantificational account of adverbs of completion = 184
• 6.5.2. The multiple readings of adverbs of completion in English = 187
• 6.5.3. German ganz = 194
• 6.5.4. Warlpiri quantifier preverbs = 197
• 6.5.5. Parameters governing the restrictions on the possible readings of expressions of completion = 199
• 6.6. Apparent ambiguities with concrete event quantifiers = 201
• 6.6.1. Same／Different in the internal reading = 201
• 6.6.2. Apparent ambiguities with predicates of concrete events = 203
• 6.6.3. 'Floated quantifiers' ranging over event = 205
• 6.6.4. Binary distributive event quantifiers = 206
• 6.7. Conclusions = 216
• 7 The Mass-Count Distinction for Verbs and Adverbial Quantification over Events = 218
• 7.1. Verbs and the mass-count distinction = 218
• 7.2. Adverbial quantifiers as mass quantifiers = 219
• 7.2.1. Adverbial simple mass quantifiers = 221
• 7.2.2. Frequency adverbs = 228
• 7.2.3. Adverbial measure-phrase constructions = 229
• 7.3. Pronominal reference to events = 230
• 7.4. N'-Conjunction with deverbal nominalizations = 233
• 7.5. A possible explanation of the mass-status of verbs = 236
• Appendix : Clauses and the mass-count distinction = 237
• 7A.1. Clauses and the diagnostics of mass categories = 237
• 7A.2. Pronominal reference to propositions = 237
• 7A.3. Clauses and agreement = 238
• 7A.4. Plurals and concealed propositions = 239
• 7A.5. Requirements on the countability of situations = 240
• 8 Concluding Remark about Part Structures and Natural Language = 244
• Bibliography = 245
• Index = 251