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      On the Syntax of Presentatives in English and Korean

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A110101908

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      The first goal of this paper is to demonstrate—using Wood and Zanuttini’s (2023) diagnostics for English presentatives, a construction in which the speaker point to a location and direct the addressee’s attention to an entity there—that the equivalent con- struction can be attested in Korean. A second goal is to propose a syntactic structure of presentatives in Korean that accounts for their characteristic properties. Building on the anayses of English presentatives by Wood and Zanuttini’s and Ojea (2024), we propose that Korean presentatives include Evidential Phrase in the clausal spine, whose specifier hosts a deictic locative adverb such as yeki ‘here,’ and that the predicate—iss ‘exist,’ o ‘come,’ or ka ‘go’—is base-generated in v 0 and moves successive-cyclically up to Evid0 (bearing a discourse-related evidential feature) through T 0 marked as [-Past] by default. We further show that Korean is typologically noteworthy in employing not only a syntactic but also a lexical strategy for evidentiality, making use of the direct evidential marker -ney
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      The first goal of this paper is to demonstrate—using Wood and Zanuttini’s (2023) diagnostics for English presentatives, a construction in which the speaker point to a location and direct the addressee’s attention to an entity there—that the eq...

      The first goal of this paper is to demonstrate—using Wood and Zanuttini’s (2023) diagnostics for English presentatives, a construction in which the speaker point to a location and direct the addressee’s attention to an entity there—that the equivalent con- struction can be attested in Korean. A second goal is to propose a syntactic structure of presentatives in Korean that accounts for their characteristic properties. Building on the anayses of English presentatives by Wood and Zanuttini’s and Ojea (2024), we propose that Korean presentatives include Evidential Phrase in the clausal spine, whose specifier hosts a deictic locative adverb such as yeki ‘here,’ and that the predicate—iss ‘exist,’ o ‘come,’ or ka ‘go’—is base-generated in v 0 and moves successive-cyclically up to Evid0 (bearing a discourse-related evidential feature) through T 0 marked as [-Past] by default. We further show that Korean is typologically noteworthy in employing not only a syntactic but also a lexical strategy for evidentiality, making use of the direct evidential marker -ney

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