영남 방언 및 영동 방언에서 순평행성동화의 대조적 연구|RISS 상세보기

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

In this article, we analysed and described the progressive assimilations of Pyeongseong ‘unmarked tone’ of nine South Korean dialects - Changwon, Goseong, Miryang dialect of Gyeongnam Province, Daegu dialect, and Seongju, Andong and Uljin dialect of Gyeongbuk Province, and Gangreung and Samcheok dialect of Gangweon Province. In addition to progressive assimilation, we studied neutralization, and default conjoining of Tonological Patterns.
For the description of tone systems in phonological level, we employed King Sejong's side-dot theory based on markedness theory on the one hand and on the other hand generative tonology.
The progressive Pyeongseong assimilations are devided into two types. The one is internal sandhi which appears inside of the phonological word complex pattern /□2·□n/ optionally only in Goseong dialect. The other is external sandhi which appears obligatorily when an unmarked tonological pattern □1 is combined with one of the marked tonological pattern ·□1, :□1, ·1, or :1 of verbal or adjectival inflectional forms. We can find the latter only in Changwon, Goseong, Miryang and Seongju dialect. In Changwon and Goseong dialect the external progressive Pyeongseong assimilation is obligatory rule, but it is optional in Miryang and Seongju dialect.
The external or internal sandhi is always followed by final syllable lowering. Thus any output from the progressive Pyeongseong assimilations is of the tonological pattern /□2·□/, whose pitch form is [MH1M] or [M1HM] according to dialect. In contrast with the above four dialects, in Daegu, Uljin, Andong, Samcheok and Gangreung dialect the progressive Pyeongseong assimilations do not appear. Instead of it neutralization rules are applied. Thus any kind of marked tone is neutralized into /·□/ in the environment of /□ ―

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