국회 속기록에 나타난 여성정책 시각 : A. 매매춘(賣買春)에 대하여 = Perspectives on Prostitution in the Korean Legislature: 1948-1989

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

This study aims at exploring the changes in the approaches and attitudes of the legislative and the administrative (Government) bodies toward prostitution. In particular, a focus is placed on the questions of how they perceived the issue and what measures they suggested in the context of national policy. For doing this, the study analyzed the discussions on prostitution made by members of the National Assembly reflected in the stenographic records, from the Constitutional Assembly to the 13th National Assembly, 1948∼1989.
The total 83 cases of speech were categorized into four types, namely, the consevative, progressive, instrumental, and ambiguous types. These categories represent the political stands of the top politicians and administrators toward the thorny issue of prostitution.
The findings can be summarized as follows :
First, over the 42 sessions, our politicians showed interest in practicing prostitution of the conventional type more than any other types including high class yo-chung prostitution for US military personnel in Korea and kisaeng tourism, although these received varied degrees of attention. Their attitude toward the former was overwhelmingly conservative, in accordance with the change of societal and political atmosphere.
Secondly, by types of the political stand, the ambiguous type outnumbered the others, 47%; the conservative and the progressive types were equally 23%; and the instrumental type was 7%. Comparing the attitudes of the legislators with the adminstrators, the conservative and instrumental type speeches appeared about equally frequently. However, in the case of the ambiguous type the administrators showed a higher ratio, and in the progressive type that of the legislators was higher. It was interpreted that the ambiguous and instrumental type speeches were essentially in the same family with the conservative type and, therefore, that the overall trend of the discussions on prostitution was predominantly conservative.
The specific trend by period was examined by the 42 sessions into three periods, the 1st and 2nd Republics(1948∼1961), the 3rd and 4th Republics(1961∼1980), and the 5th and 6th Republics(1981∼1989), in order to grasp the change in policies on prostitution.
During the first period of the 1st and 2nd Republics, the discussions regarding prostitution at standing committees were numbered 26 cases. Among these 46% were in the ambiguous type, followed by the conservative type(27%), while the progressive type was only 15%. The legislators showed slightly more frequently progressive attitudes than the administrators. The focal issues in this period were unlicensed prostitutes, high class yo-chung and prostitution for US military personnel. On the problems of unlicensed prostitutes, their discussions were mostly conservative, and criticized the rampant situation of illegal prostitutes resulted from the abolition of the licensed prostitution system. Suggestions were made to take some action for enlightenment and proper guidance of prostitues as well as for a rigid enforcement of control on them. They also criticized high class yo-chang mainly in terms of the breakdown of societal spirit, but when it came to the actual control of yo-chung, their attitude was very much lenient. As to the prostitution for US military personnel, the discussions were marked by their instrumental nature to the extent which they even encouraged that sort of prostitution as a positive measure. In this aspect the adminisrtators shared the same opinion with the legislators.
The number of speeches analyzed for the 3rd and 4th Republics was 46. The general trend during the second period was not much changes, except that of the administrators' ambiguous responses increased to 69%, while the progressive type was further reduced to 5%. On the other hand, the progressive speeches of the legislators increased to 30%. In other words, the legislator shecame gradually progressive, while the administrators became more vague and conservative. As to the control on prostitutes the discussions were largely focused on the application of the Prevention law of Prostitution of 1961. In the meantime another type of prostitution came to the fore in the 1970's, i.e. kisaeng tourism. But it was dealt with much in line with the prostitution for US military personnel. On the other hand, it was also during the second period when there appeared certain symptoms of change in the overall conservative understanding on prostitution. For example, a criticism was made on the term "befallen women" standing for prostitution, and certain humanly concern was paid to prostitutes by women legislators.
Speeches related to prostitution analyzed for the 5th and 6th Republic were 11 cases, and of these 6 were of progressive type. theis certainly was a big change. Moreover, no single case was identified as instrumental perception of prostitution, and the improvement of the existing laws on the prohibition of prostitution was also discussed. However, the administration did not catch up with these changes on the part of the legislature and remained as conservative and ambiguous as before.
The findings of the analyses suggest some fundamental problems in the policy on prostitution. The first is the lack of the basic understanding of prostitution as a structural problem. Prostitution is a deviant behavior of individual prostitures, derived not from the women themselves but from their oppressed situation which makes women's sexuality a marketable good. However, by focusing on either ethical or individual aspects of prostitution, only the measures to solve the problem castering prostitutes as a major target were devised, and even they ate not consistent. Secondly, such an individual approach was abviously shown in the cases of prostitution for US army personnel and of kisaeng tourism: these were seen as rather functional for national defense and/or for GNP growth. Thirdly, a sexist and dual ethical/moral perception of prostitution was revealed throughout the discussions on prostitution at the policy level, For instance, practicing prostitution was one-sidedly shaffled off a responsibility of prostitutes, excluding their customers, men. And, the prostitution for US military personnel was justified as a necessity to accord the "human nature to get entertainment", that is, the "men's" nature. While in the cases of domestic prostitution, they urged rigid controls to be strengthened to abolish it ultimately, they encouraged prostitution for foreigners. The reasons why these dichotomical policies could be coexisted can be interpreted as a result which the fundamental problems of prostitution explained above were functioned complicatedly (conglomeratedly). These inconsistencies in the policy measures derived from the basic disinterest in prostitution as a social structureal problems must not be successful in eradicating that problem.
However, we also noticed a gradual increment in the progressive type speeches in the overall conservative atmosphere, which may indicate the possibility for the change of policies on prostitution, although it may be premature yet to expect an optimistic future.
The findings of the analyses suggest some fundamental problems in the policy on prostituion. The first is the lack of the basic understanding of prostitution as a structural problem. Prostitution is a deviant behavior of individual prostitutes, derived not from the women themselves but from then oppressed siruation which makes women's sexuality a marketable good. However, by focusing on either ethical or individual aspects of prostitution, only the measures to solve the problem castering prostitutes as majortarget were devised, and even they are not consistent. Secondly, such an individual approach was abviously shown in the cases of prostitution for US army personnel and of kisaeng tourism:these were seen as rather functional fork national defense and/or for GNP growht. Thirdly, a sexist and dual ethical/moral perception of prostitution was revealed throughout the discussions on prostitution at the policy level. For instance, practicing prostitution was one-sidely shaffled off a responsibility of prostitures, excluding their customers, men. And, the prostitution for US military personnel was justified as a necessity to acdord the "human nature to get entertainment", that is, the "men'" nature. While in the cases of domestic prostitution, they urged rigid controls to be sttengthened to abolish it ultimately, they encouraged prostitution for foreigners. The reasons why these dichotomical policies could be coexisted can be interpreted as a result which the fundamental problema of prostitution explained above were functioned complicatedly(conglomeratedly). These inconsistencies in the policy measures derived from the basic disinterest in prostitution as a social structureal problems must not be successful in eradicating that problem.
However, we also noticed a gradual increment in the progressive type speeches in the overall conservative atmosphere, which may indicate the possibility for the change of policies on prostitution, although it may be premature yet to expect an optimistic future.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 1. 매매춘 정책에의 접근
• 1.1 문제제기 및 연구목적
• 1.2 연구방법
• 1.3 분석시각 및 틀
• 2. 매춘에 대한 정책적 시각 분석
• 2.1 제1,2 공화국
• 2.2 제3,4 공화국
• 2.3 제5,6 공화국
• 3. 요약 및 결론
• 참고문헌
• 영문초록