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    병자호란 시기 조선인 포로 문제에 대한 재론

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A77046621

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    The pain and damages that the war with the Manchu inflicted upon the Joseon people were huge and horrific. Countless Joseon people were killed in the Qing invasion, and hundreds of thousands of people were captured and brought back to Qing. Outgoing population which mounted to hundreds of thousands significantly disturbed the political stability of Joseon and also severly undermined the social and economic basis of the Joseon society. And the Qing dynasty tried to force the Joseon hands to do whatever Qing wanted them to do, by exploiting no other than the 'captives' issue.
    The reason so many people were captured during the war with the Manchu which starred in the Byeongja year was because Qing troops were overly interested in capturing people. They considered captives as 'achievements that cost Manchu blood', and therefore deeply committed themselves to obtaining more and more captives. They also strongly required that the fled Juhwae people to be returned to them immediately. Yet the Joseon government was also responsible for such situation. It anticipated Qing's invasion yet did not do enough to defend the country. Military commanders guarding the frontline abandoned their posts without fighting the invading forces, and allowed the Qing troops to come deeper inside Korean territory. The commanders in the Ganghwa - do island restricted the boat traffic in order to prevent residents in the outskirt areas of the capital from entering Ganghwa - do, yet failed to come up with an adequate defense plan of the island itself.
    The captives had to endure brutal and cruel treatments. From their initial captivity by the Qing forces, to their encampment at the Qing military bases, on their transport to Shenyang, and after their arrival in Shenyang, before they either escaped or were returned to Joseon, they had to suffer in pain and remain being frightened of the ever - present possibility of an imminent death.
    The Joseon government tried to bring them back, but it was never an easy task. High ranking officials and other wealthy figures intervened in the negotiations and jacked - up the price for bringing someone back, and the governmental officials too committed a series of malpractices and misdeeds in the actual process of bringing the captives home. Also, the government did not do enough to care for the people who fled back to Joseon or returned to their home country. After a few years, the issue was reduced from a 'government - involved issue' to an 'individual errand'. The episode of An Chu Weon and An Dan who tried to escape Qing after decades of captivity yet failed to do so, were typically tragic examples.
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    The pain and damages that the war with the Manchu inflicted upon the Joseon people were huge and horrific. Countless Joseon people were killed in the Qing invasion, and hundreds of thousands of people were captured and brought back to Qing. Outgoing p...

    The pain and damages that the war with the Manchu inflicted upon the Joseon people were huge and horrific. Countless Joseon people were killed in the Qing invasion, and hundreds of thousands of people were captured and brought back to Qing. Outgoing population which mounted to hundreds of thousands significantly disturbed the political stability of Joseon and also severly undermined the social and economic basis of the Joseon society. And the Qing dynasty tried to force the Joseon hands to do whatever Qing wanted them to do, by exploiting no other than the 'captives' issue.
    The reason so many people were captured during the war with the Manchu which starred in the Byeongja year was because Qing troops were overly interested in capturing people. They considered captives as 'achievements that cost Manchu blood', and therefore deeply committed themselves to obtaining more and more captives. They also strongly required that the fled Juhwae people to be returned to them immediately. Yet the Joseon government was also responsible for such situation. It anticipated Qing's invasion yet did not do enough to defend the country. Military commanders guarding the frontline abandoned their posts without fighting the invading forces, and allowed the Qing troops to come deeper inside Korean territory. The commanders in the Ganghwa - do island restricted the boat traffic in order to prevent residents in the outskirt areas of the capital from entering Ganghwa - do, yet failed to come up with an adequate defense plan of the island itself.
    The captives had to endure brutal and cruel treatments. From their initial captivity by the Qing forces, to their encampment at the Qing military bases, on their transport to Shenyang, and after their arrival in Shenyang, before they either escaped or were returned to Joseon, they had to suffer in pain and remain being frightened of the ever - present possibility of an imminent death.
    The Joseon government tried to bring them back, but it was never an easy task. High ranking officials and other wealthy figures intervened in the negotiations and jacked - up the price for bringing someone back, and the governmental officials too committed a series of malpractices and misdeeds in the actual process of bringing the captives home. Also, the government did not do enough to care for the people who fled back to Joseon or returned to their home country. After a few years, the issue was reduced from a 'government - involved issue' to an 'individual errand'. The episode of An Chu Weon and An Dan who tried to escape Qing after decades of captivity yet failed to do so, were typically tragic examples.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 머리말
    • 1. 전쟁 피해의 양상과 ‘피로인 문제’의 심각성
    • 2. 대규모 피로인 발생의 원인과 주회인 문제
    • 3. 피로인들의 고통
    • 4. 정부의 ‘피로인 문제’ 대책과 귀결
    • 머리말
    • 1. 전쟁 피해의 양상과 ‘피로인 문제’의 심각성
    • 2. 대규모 피로인 발생의 원인과 주회인 문제
    • 3. 피로인들의 고통
    • 4. 정부의 ‘피로인 문제’ 대책과 귀결
    • 5. 안추원과 안단의 비극
    • 맺음말
    • Abstract
    더보기

    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 金斗鉉, "遼東支配期 누르하치의 對漢人政策" 25 : 1987

    2 金宗一, "魯庵集, In 권1, 魯庵先生年譜"

    3 金宗一, "魯庵集 권3, 瀋陽日乘"

    4 柳在城, "병자호란사" 국방부전사편찬위원회 1984

    5 "顯宗實錄,권11"

    6 "顯宗實錄, 권9"

    7 "顯宗實錄, 권11"

    8 "顯宗實錄"

    9 李德懋, "靑莊館全書, 권63"

    10 崔鳴吉, "遲川集, 권17"

    1 金斗鉉, "遼東支配期 누르하치의 對漢人政策" 25 : 1987

    2 金宗一, "魯庵集, In 권1, 魯庵先生年譜"

    3 金宗一, "魯庵集 권3, 瀋陽日乘"

    4 柳在城, "병자호란사" 국방부전사편찬위원회 1984

    5 "顯宗實錄,권11"

    6 "顯宗實錄, 권9"

    7 "顯宗實錄, 권11"

    8 "顯宗實錄"

    9 李德懋, "靑莊館全書, 권63"

    10 崔鳴吉, "遲川集, 권17"

    11 崔鳴吉, "遲川集, 권12"

    12 森岡康, "贖還被擄婦人の離異問題について" 26 : 1963

    13 森岡康, "許博の疏文と贖還批判 下" 39 : 238-245, 1966

    14 森岡康, "許博の 疏文と贖還批判 上․下" 37 : 1966

    15 森岡康, "許 博の疏文と贖還批判 上․下" 37 : 1966

    16 "肅宗實錄, 권3"

    17 "聖求曰 小臣甚以江都爲憂 瑬曰 江都則無防禦之勞 不足慮也"

    18 趙慶男, "續雜錄"

    19 趙慶男, "續雜錄"

    20 成海應, "硏經齋全集 外集 권60, 瀋陽日記"

    21 "瀋陽狀啓"

    22 "瀋陽狀啓"

    23 "瀋陽狀啓"

    24 "瀋陽狀啓"

    25 "瀋陽狀啓"

    26 "瀋陽狀啓"

    27 閻崇年, "淸朝通史" 紫禁城出版社 2003

    28 "淸太祖實錄, 권7"

    29 "淸太宗實錄. 권2"

    30 "淸太宗實錄, 권8"

    31 "淸太宗實錄, 권34"

    32 "淸太宗實錄, 권34"

    33 "淸太宗實錄, 권34"

    34 "淸太宗實錄, 권34"

    35 "淸太宗實錄, 권34"

    36 "淸太宗實錄, 권33"

    37 "淸太宗實錄, 권32"

    38 "淸太宗實錄, 권3"

    39 "淸太宗實錄, 권3"

    40 "淸太宗實錄, 권3"

    41 "淸太宗實錄, 권3"

    42 全湜, "沙西集, 권4, 寄克恬"

    43 "江都錄"

    44 "江都錄"

    45 허적, "水色集, 권8"

    46 姜在彦, "朝鮮通信使がみた日本" 明石書店 102-106, 2002

    47 森岡康, "朝鮮捕虜の淸國の 價格について" 66 : 1985

    48 申達道, "晩悟集 권5, 椵島奉使時聞見啓"

    49 申達道, "晩悟先生文集, 권5"

    50 "承政院日記, 70책"

    51 "承政院日記, 60책"

    52 "承政院日記, 60책"

    53 "承政院日記, 60책"

    54 "承政院日記, 57책"

    55 "承政院日記, 21책"

    56 鄭經世, "愚伏集, 권5"

    57 吳達濟, "忠烈公遺稿, 簡牘, 「後書」"

    58 "南漢日記, 一"

    59 金鍾圓, "初期 朝淸關係에 대한 一 考察―丙子胡亂時의 被擄人 문제를 중심으로" 71 : 1976

    60 "仁祖實錄. 권35"

    61 "仁祖實錄. 권34"

    62 "仁祖實錄, 권46"

    63 "仁祖實錄, 권42"

    64 "仁祖實錄, 권36"

    65 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    66 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    67 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    68 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    69 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    70 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    71 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    72 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    73 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    74 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    75 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    76 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    77 "仁祖實錄, 권34"

    78 羅萬甲, "丙子錄, 記江都事"

    79 羅萬甲, "丙子錄, 急報以後日錄"

    80 羅萬甲, "丙子錄"

    81 羅萬甲, "丙子錄"

    82 羅萬甲, "丙子錄"

    83 羅萬甲, "丙子錄"

    84 한명기, "丙子胡亂 패전의 정치적 파장-청의 조선 압박과 仁祖의 대응을 중심으로-" 국학연구원 (119) : 53-93, 2003

    85 박용옥, "丙子亂被擄人贖還考" 9 : 53-59, 1964

    86 박용옥, "丙子亂被擄人贖還 考" 9 : 1964

    87 森岡康, "丁卯亂後における贖還問題" 32 : 1964

    88 森岡康, "丁卯亂後における贖還問題" 32 : 79-, 1964

    89 李肯翊, "「燃藜室記述」 권26, 「仁祖朝故事本末」"

    90 吳達濟, "「忠烈公遺稿」 簡牘, 「上伯氏書」"

    91 羅萬甲, "「丙子錄」, 「記江都事」"

    92 한명기, "17세기 초․중반 朝淸關係와 貳臣" 고구려재단 8 : 267-270, 2005

    93 "(李)聖求曰 都城閉門 想士女皆未得出 甚可慮也"

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    2016 1.09 1.09 0.95
    KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
    0.85 0.85 1.637 0.53
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