韓國巫俗硏究 序說 (Ⅱ) = Introduction to the Study of Korean Shamanism (Ⅱ)

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

Introduction
1. Musok is a kind of Korean belief system. It prevails very widely among the Korean people, and adheres closely to the daily life of the Korean people. Knowledge concerning Musok, however, is very poor, even among Koreans themselves. The pioneers of Musok study were, in fact, foreigners, especially those o American missionaries, at the end of the 19th Century. Their studies, however, were lacking in accuracy, due to the fact that they did net apply ethnographical methodology, and thus contain misunderstandings and distortions, particularly the interpretation of Musok as Shamanism.
Musok is a more highly developed religious phenomenon than Shamanism or other primitive religions.

Origin of Musok
2. We do not know when Musok sprouted in Korea because we lack sufficient evidence in regard to Musok materials. Therefore, we must reason that Musok sprouted in Korea at the same time the Korean people settled here. We do net know also what the original characteristics of Musok were, but we can assert that the mode of the present day Musok was arranged before the 12th Century.

Pantheon

3. The Musok pantheon is polytheism. Musok worships countless gods and spirits. Musok distinguishes neither good or evil gods, bright or dark spirits, or white or black ones. Among gods and spirits, there is no hierarchy; all gods and spirits enjoy equal status, but each of them has a unique function. The gods and spirits have no relationship to each other; they are entirely independent. '218
Therefore, we name the Musok pantheon 'parallel theism'. `Parallel theism' may be an unheard of religious term; in this respect, we take pride in introducing a heretofore unknown religious phenomenon in Musok.

Doctrine

4. As Musok lacks any written records concerning doctrine, we do net know what the principles, codes and objects of belief are. Therefore, we must extract the doctrine from the various Musok materials we have on hand. Among them, the ,various factors of ritual practice and chant literature are most useful.
In the ritual, we find that the. prevailing phenomenon is to please the gods.
To begin with, the person who is sponsoring the ritual must be pure and undefiled, both in mind and body. Musok doctrine requires also that the priest :and other participants in the ceremony be likewise.
Secondly, to be blessed by the gods, the participants must be moderate and merciful. In one of the chants, the description of a trial, in which the Cod of the Dead decides whether the dead soul is to go to Paradise or net, shows an aspect of doctrine vividly. All prayers are offerred by the priest, net the participant, and the mode of supplication may be quite direct. The contents of the prayer are to bless the participant with good fortune and to sweep away all evil.
Long life, many sons, wealth and prosperity arc the things which are considered to be good fortune. Evil consists of illness, death, trouble, bankruptcy, sudden accidents, short life, etc.
The doctrine of Musok does net reveal any cosmology, and neither does it preach imitation of or unification with the gods.

Rites

Musok rites are held in order to establish a relationship between the gods and humans. Musok rites are called $quot;Kut$quot;. Kuts are, as a rule, executed by $quot;Mudangs$quot;, professional priests. There are four kinds of Kuts: $quot;Pison$quot;, $quot;Putak-keuri$quot;, $quot;Kosa$quot; and $quot;Keun-kut$quot;.
Pison is the simplest of the rites; Putak-keuri and Kosa are more complex Putak-keuri is the rite for exorcision of evil, Kosa for supplication of fortune. Keun-ku.t is ' the most complex of alla and affords one the opportunity of studying all of the Musok religious phenomena. There are four types of special rites in Keun-kut; that is, the memorial rite for the dead, the rite for the supplication of the pence of the home, the rite of the guardian spirit, and the rite for curing smallpox.
The hall of the Keun-kut ceremony is decorated with various flowers, sacrifices and many other things. Every Keun-kut is held with chant, dances, accompanying musical instruments, oracle-telling, dramatic action and other various phenomena. The Keun-kut is always performed in its entirety by the Mudangs. The Keun-kut requires three days for a short ritual, but more than a week fer a large-scale one. The Kcun-kut consists, as a rule, of 12 sections. Every section bas a unique chant, muscial accompaniment, dance, myth, oracle-telling and dramatic action.

Chants

6. There are many chants in Musok. The chants are only sung with musical accompaniment by the Mudang at the hall of the Musok ceremony. Every chant bas its own unique melody and rhythm;, in addition, the same chant may have an entirely different melody and rhythm in different regions where it is sung. The length of the chants also differ; a short one requires only 30 minutes, whereas the longest one requires more than 3 hours. The words of the chant are in verse style.
The text of the chants offer one the opportunity to study Musok philosophy, cosmology, the character and view of the gods, the godworshipping attitude, and other factors.

Dance

7. The Musok dances have no certain names; therefore, the number of dances is indeterminable. The dance is also performed to musical accompaniment at the hall of the Musok ceremony. The dance forms south of the Han River Region are calm and gentle in nature, but in the region nature, but in the region north of the I1an, they are more active. There, we can find dances in which the Mudang jumps up and down and twirls around rapidly many times, and where she sometimes bends backward to the waist. The dance of the northern region is thought sometimes to be a source of inspiration to the Mudang, and a method whereby contact between the Mudang and the gods is attained.

Musical Instruments

8. The large gong and the long hand drum are the most commonly used musical instruments in Musok. In the region south of the Han River, the small gong, flute and oboe arc used, in addition to the above-mentioned instruments. In the region north of the Han, in addition to the above-mentioned instruments, the small gong, cymbals and bells are used, and in Seoul, the flute, oboe and two-stringed fiddle are added.
In the southern region, the instruments are played comparatively softly, but in the north, they are played loudly and frantically.

Properties

9. In the southern region, we cannot find Musok properties of any especial nature. Even the ceremonial costume, with the exception of the Buddhist mantle and hood, is nothing much more than ordinary dress. In the northern region, on the contrary, when Mudang executes the Kcun-Kut, she puts on various kinds of costumes, changing her clothes in every section of the ritual.
In the southern region, the ceremonial properties of Musok also arc simple, a pair 'of small knives to which are attached a long paper tuft being used. In the northern region, however, the Musok properties are many and various: Myungdo (a round convex brass mirror), broadswords, three-pronged spears, large knives, small knives, jaktoo (a sharp tool for cutting fodder), a cluster of small bells, a bundle of five different colored flags, fans, anal rosaries. These properties are used for determining the god's will, for fortunetelling, for magic, for dance, and for_'other purposes as well.

Mudang

10. The Mudang is a professional priest of Musok. There are two kinds of Mudang: hereditary and possessed. In the southern region, the Mudang is such by heredity and in the north, usually by being possessed. In the south, the Mudang is only female, but in the north, both male and female can be Mudangs. Also, in this - 221 -
region, no one can become a Mudang without becoming possessed, even the Mudang's own offspring and descendants. Most people tend to think of Mudangs as being' neurotic or psychopathic, but they are completely normal, even the Mudangs who are possessed, without the period of possession.
The Mudang takes the role of an intermediary between the gods and the worshippers. In the south, each village allows only one Mudang to dwell in it, and this Mudang is called Tangkol-Mudang, or simply Tangkol. She occupys herself with the various religious affairs of the village dwellers. From this point of view, we can say that Mudang reigns over the religions world of the villagers; therefore, they are obliged to make some offering to lier twice annually in the spring and autumn. In the north, there is no such system.
In the south, the Mudang's profession is inherited only by lier daughter-in-law, but in the north, a possessed woman first seeks out a senior Mudang and forms the relationship of godmother and goddaughter. She then learns all of the Musok arts from lier godmother and finally inherits lier mother's profession and all of lier Musok properties. So, we can see that the Mudang profession is inherited. along female lines.

Mudang Society

11. The Mudang and members of her family belong to one of the lowest classes, of the society; thereby, arc they held in contempt by others. Not only in ancient times, but until even 40 years ago the Mudang and members of lier family could not get out from under this caste system; neither could they change to another profession. Because of this strict social situation, the Mudang was fated to become hereditary profession. In the north, the possessed Mudang often springs out from even the upper classes, in which case she is cut off from lier family and publically condemned. Is it not a queer phenomenon, then, that, in Korea, the religions ruler should be held in contempt?
In the south, the male members of the Mudang family are forced to live as entertainers (singers, musicians, acrobats, etc.), and are also held in contempt.
The Mudang and her family can establish their household in the same area as ordinary members of the society. The style of their house, clothing, food, language, kinship terminology, morals, morale, mode of funeral procession and marriage are nearly the source as other members of the society, but daily life intercourse with other men is avoided. Marriage with ordinary members of the society is strictly taboo, so that the Mudang's marriage is class-endogamous.
The Mugang has no church, does net preach, propagate, open regular meetings or organize any association or league. It is a rule that the Mudang has no certain regular believers, but only when men meet with a crisis or misfortune.

Types of Musok

12. There are three types of Musok in Korea: the region south of the Han River, the region north of the Han, and Cheju Island. In the south, the Keun-kut consists of 1.2 sections (suk) and the nature of the ritual is calm and gentle in form. The chants are sung with a very highly developed musical technique, and the melodies are various. Dance and other forms of activity are also calm and gentle in nature. The Mudang does not often ask special offerings from the sponsor of the ritual. There is no oracle-telling, fortunetelling, magic tricks, and antiphonal responsive by the assistant Mudang. The rite is conducted only by the Mudang; the sponsor seldom participates, Mudangs are all hereditary. Even though a possessed female volunteers to become a Mudang, the hereditary Mudang will reject her entirely. In the north, the Keun-kut also consists of 12 sections(keuri), but it is noisy and very active in nature, and the chant melodics are repetitious and rather underdeveloped in musical technique. During the rite, the Mudang frequently requests special offerings from the sponsor, and engages in oracletelling, fortune-telling, magic tricks, etc.,and the assistant Mudang chants an antiphonal responsive. 'The rite is largely conducted by the Mudang, but the sponsor and other members of the audience often participate in it.
In Cheju Island, the Keun-kut has no sections, but rather proceeds from the beginning to the end without stopping. Though the Mudang here also engages in oracle-telling, fortune-telling, and the like, and the assistant Mudang chants an antiphonal responsive, it is utterly different from that practised in the north. In Cheju, there are both hereditary and possessed Mudangs, and it is not difficult for a possessed person to become a Mudang. In Cheju, there are both male and female Mudangs; here, however, the male Mudang appears to be more talented and intellectual than the female.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it should be pointed out that, contrary to assertions by early students of Musok, whose work bas led to many misunderstandings and distortions, Shamanism and Musok are not the same and differ widely.
In observing the Mudang dance and perform magic tricks, the pioneers of Musok study, seeing the Mudang tiring, respiration and perspiration increasing, and the breaking of the spell, concluded that the Mudang falls into Shaman ecstasy, and therefore applied the term Shaman te the Mudang. However, for a Shaman, ecstasy is a necessary part of the ritual; for a Mudang, it is net. Except during the period of possession, the Mudang is always sound in mind and body. When she performs a rite, her mind and body are in a normal state; she never falls into ecstasy. Even if the Mudang sometimes does fall into a state of excitation, the excitation is only the consequence of physical movement. Her spells narrated during the state of excitation can be recalled after the state of excitation disappears. The Shaman, however, cannot recall the narrations told during the state of ecstasy once the condition disappears. The Mudang's mental condition during the state of excitation differs qualitatively from the Shaman's mental condition during the state of ecstasy. The Mudang's excitation is a normal expression, whereas the Shaman's ecstasy is abnormal. Therefore, do we assert that the Mudang is not a Shaman, and, too, that Musok differs from Shamanism in that whereas Musok attains a religious stage, Shamanism remains at the $quot;magic-religious$quot; stage.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• Ⅰ. 序言
• Ⅱ. 巫俗의 起源
• Ⅲ. 論俗의 信仰體系
• 1. 神統(以上前號)
• 2. 敎理
• 3. 儀禮
• (1) 비손
• (2) 푸닥거리와 告祀
• (3) 큰굿
• 4. 巫歌
• 5. 巫人
• 6. 信奉者
• Ⅳ. 巫樂
• Ⅴ. 巫舞
• Ⅵ. 舞衣裝과 巫具
• Ⅶ. 巫人家族
• Ⅷ. 巫人의 社會生活
• Ⅸ. 結論