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    일진회의 '보호통치' 인식과 '합방'의 논리 = Iljin-hwe's view of the Protectorate ruling and their logic to promote Annexation

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A82495766

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Iljin-hwe was organized by an alliance between the remaining Dong'hak members who were never part of the mainstream Korean society, and the Jung'in("middle class") members who once belonged to the late Independence Society('Dokrib Hyeob'hwe'). In order to overcome their own political and societal limitations, they engaged themselves in certain pro-Japanese activities since the early days of the Iljin-hwe's formation, and with the Japanese authorities' support they became a prominent political faction when the protectorate ruling began.
    Yet the Japanese authorities' strategy of a protectorate ruling was aimed at managing the Korean society as stable as possible, in order to reduce the overall cost of the impending annexation. To do that they had to garner the support of the Yangban ruling class and maintain the existing ruling structure inside Joseon, instead of only utilizing the Iljin-hwe organization which was never part of the social majority and also a body that symbolized conflicts.
    So, Iljin-hwe came to find itself in sort of a dilemma. They had established their political footing by assuming a pro-Japanee stance, yet before fully consolidating such position they were finding themselves getting increasingly isolated inside the Korean society. In order to escape the protectorate ruling phase which would not allow the Iljin-hwe members to gain stronger political influence, they allied themselves with the mainland personnel and the military, and started to promote the invitation to annexation.
    As their movement to support annexation was born out of their need to escape isolation, their logic of promoting annexation also emphasized the 'distrustful nature' of the Korean society and 'negative prospects' of the Koreans' capability to stand on their own. Iljin-hwe promoted their ultimate objective as 'protecting the lives and properties of the people,' yet they also believed that they would have to teach, enlighten and civilize the people. And when such people showed a hostile attitude toward them, they started to argue that it was an impossible task to enlighten the Korean people and therefore the Korean people could never possibly establish their own national state. They claimed they were being isolated within the Korean society as the Korean society itself was incompetent and very much dependent. They were condemning the Korean people for not having a backbone. To them, the foundation of a national state only meant a state with themselves placed in power. When that became rather impossible, they came to argue that Korea's incorporation into the Japanese empire was the ultimate elevation to a modernized state.
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    Iljin-hwe was organized by an alliance between the remaining Dong'hak members who were never part of the mainstream Korean society, and the Jung'in("middle class") members who once belonged to the late Independence Society('Dokrib Hyeob'hwe'). In orde...

    Iljin-hwe was organized by an alliance between the remaining Dong'hak members who were never part of the mainstream Korean society, and the Jung'in("middle class") members who once belonged to the late Independence Society('Dokrib Hyeob'hwe'). In order to overcome their own political and societal limitations, they engaged themselves in certain pro-Japanese activities since the early days of the Iljin-hwe's formation, and with the Japanese authorities' support they became a prominent political faction when the protectorate ruling began.
    Yet the Japanese authorities' strategy of a protectorate ruling was aimed at managing the Korean society as stable as possible, in order to reduce the overall cost of the impending annexation. To do that they had to garner the support of the Yangban ruling class and maintain the existing ruling structure inside Joseon, instead of only utilizing the Iljin-hwe organization which was never part of the social majority and also a body that symbolized conflicts.
    So, Iljin-hwe came to find itself in sort of a dilemma. They had established their political footing by assuming a pro-Japanee stance, yet before fully consolidating such position they were finding themselves getting increasingly isolated inside the Korean society. In order to escape the protectorate ruling phase which would not allow the Iljin-hwe members to gain stronger political influence, they allied themselves with the mainland personnel and the military, and started to promote the invitation to annexation.
    As their movement to support annexation was born out of their need to escape isolation, their logic of promoting annexation also emphasized the 'distrustful nature' of the Korean society and 'negative prospects' of the Koreans' capability to stand on their own. Iljin-hwe promoted their ultimate objective as 'protecting the lives and properties of the people,' yet they also believed that they would have to teach, enlighten and civilize the people. And when such people showed a hostile attitude toward them, they started to argue that it was an impossible task to enlighten the Korean people and therefore the Korean people could never possibly establish their own national state. They claimed they were being isolated within the Korean society as the Korean society itself was incompetent and very much dependent. They were condemning the Korean people for not having a backbone. To them, the foundation of a national state only meant a state with themselves placed in power. When that became rather impossible, they came to argue that Korea's incorporation into the Japanese empire was the ultimate elevation to a modernized state.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 서론
    • 1. 이토 히로부미(伊藤博文)의 '보호통치' 구상과 정국운영전략
    • 2. 일진회의 '보호통치' 인식과 '합방론'의 제기
    • 3. '합방론'의 논리와 인민인식
    • 결론
    • 서론
    • 1. 이토 히로부미(伊藤博文)의 '보호통치' 구상과 정국운영전략
    • 2. 일진회의 '보호통치' 인식과 '합방론'의 제기
    • 3. '합방론'의 논리와 인민인식
    • 결론
    • 참고문헌
    • 〈Abstract〉
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 한명근, "한말한일합방론연구" 국학자료원 2002

    2 이성환, "한국과 이토 히로부미" 선인 2009

    3 후지타 쇼조, "천황제국가의 지배원리" 논형 2009

    4 강창석, "조선통감부연구 2" 국학자료원 1994

    5 김종준, "일진회의 문명화론과 친일활동" 신구문화사 2010

    6 조항래, "일진회연구" 중앙대 1984

    7 김윤희, "동양 담론 그리고 주권-정부-인민 관계의 균열과 전복 ―‘政合邦’청원에 대한 찬반논쟁을 중심으로" 대동문화연구원 (68) : 333-364, 2009

    8 강창일, "근대 일본의 조선침략과 대아시아주의" 역사비평사 2002

    9 林雄介, "運動團體としての一進會― 民衆との接觸樣相を中心に―" (172) : 1999

    10 김종준, "進步會·一進支會의 활동과 향촌사회의 동향" (48) : 2002

    1 한명근, "한말한일합방론연구" 국학자료원 2002

    2 이성환, "한국과 이토 히로부미" 선인 2009

    3 후지타 쇼조, "천황제국가의 지배원리" 논형 2009

    4 강창석, "조선통감부연구 2" 국학자료원 1994

    5 김종준, "일진회의 문명화론과 친일활동" 신구문화사 2010

    6 조항래, "일진회연구" 중앙대 1984

    7 김윤희, "동양 담론 그리고 주권-정부-인민 관계의 균열과 전복 ―‘政合邦’청원에 대한 찬반논쟁을 중심으로" 대동문화연구원 (68) : 333-364, 2009

    8 강창일, "근대 일본의 조선침략과 대아시아주의" 역사비평사 2002

    9 林雄介, "運動團體としての一進會― 民衆との接觸樣相を中心に―" (172) : 1999

    10 김종준, "進步會·一進支會의 활동과 향촌사회의 동향" (48) : 2002

    11 金度亨, "日帝侵略期(1905~1919) 親日勢力의 政治論硏究" (3) : 1991

    12 李亮, "對韓政策の一側面―一進會の位置" (84) : 1985

    13 金度亨, "大韓帝國期의 政治思想硏究" 지식산업사 1994

    14 林雄介, "一進會の後半期に關する基礎的硏究―一九○六年八月~解放" (1) : 1999

    15 金東明, "一進會と日本― 政合邦と倂合" (31) : 1993

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    2026 평가 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
    2020-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
    2017-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
    2013-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
    2010-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
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    2005-10-05 학술지명변경 한글명 : 역사와 현실 -> 역사와 현실
    외국어명 : 미등록 -> YŎKSA WA HYŎNSIL
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    2004-01-01 등재 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
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    2016 0.91 0.91 0.87
    KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
    0.87 0.92 1.68 0.36
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