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    둔황 석굴의 후원자 호탄국[于?國]왕, 그의 다양한 시각화 = Dunhuang Mogao Cave`s Supporter Khotanese King, and His Various Visualizations

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A102686872

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    At a specific time in the first half of the 10th century, Dunhuang Mogao Cave has two different Khotanese king images. It is the Khotanese King as a supporter of the Dunhuang Mogao Cave and the Khotanese King of the “New-Mode” Manjus`ru (Xinyang Wenshu; 新樣文殊) leading the Manjus´rı. This study seeks to find out why the two images of Khotanese King, with completely different roles, appear at Dunhuang Mogao Cave almost at the same time. For this purpose, this study focused on two questions. One is where a new Manjus´rı Iconography was formed called `Xinyang Wenshu` and the other is why the Khotanese King started to draw Manjus´rı`s lion, which used to be led by Kunlunnu (崑崙奴). This person under the same name with a different role, is Khotanese King, Lishengtien (李聖天). One of the most influential Khotanese kings, he was known as the Lion King (獅子王) to the Dunhuang, who overtook the lion. And the Khotan people believed that the incarnation of Manjus´rı played a major role in making Khotan characters and growing the country. For this reason, the Khotanese King was standing next to Manjus´rı, the lion, and he helped Manjus´rı. The Khotanese King of `Xinyang Wenshu` is not a simple lion trainer but a constitution of a triad form focusing on Manjus´rı with Sudhna. The author says that `Xinyang Wenshu` Iconography, which newly appeared in the early 10th century, was established in Dunhuang, reflecting the creative intentions of Dunhuang forces surrounding him along with Khotanese King, Lishengtien. The printing status of `Xinyang Wenshu` prints is all different, confirming that Dunhuang is the production site of this print. `Xinyang Wenshu` Iconography would have contributed greatly to informing Dunhuang about the influence of the Khotanese King, Lishengtien and Wutaishan faith in Manjus´rı for people who carried it with them and made offerings. In Buddhist art, `icon` is understood as `the expression of contents or teachings in sutras using visual images.` Because the meaning of an icon expressed in image can be grasped properly only based on the knowledge of the contents and belief of Buddhist scripture, the correct understanding of sutras has been regarded as essential for Buddhist art research. However, we should not overlook fact that `icons` depicted in sutras have to be created by someone, and the icon `Xinyang Wenshu` is a representative example showing the process clearly.
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    At a specific time in the first half of the 10th century, Dunhuang Mogao Cave has two different Khotanese king images. It is the Khotanese King as a supporter of the Dunhuang Mogao Cave and the Khotanese King of the “New-Mode” Manjus`ru (Xinyang W...

    At a specific time in the first half of the 10th century, Dunhuang Mogao Cave has two different Khotanese king images. It is the Khotanese King as a supporter of the Dunhuang Mogao Cave and the Khotanese King of the “New-Mode” Manjus`ru (Xinyang Wenshu; 新樣文殊) leading the Manjus´rı. This study seeks to find out why the two images of Khotanese King, with completely different roles, appear at Dunhuang Mogao Cave almost at the same time. For this purpose, this study focused on two questions. One is where a new Manjus´rı Iconography was formed called `Xinyang Wenshu` and the other is why the Khotanese King started to draw Manjus´rı`s lion, which used to be led by Kunlunnu (崑崙奴). This person under the same name with a different role, is Khotanese King, Lishengtien (李聖天). One of the most influential Khotanese kings, he was known as the Lion King (獅子王) to the Dunhuang, who overtook the lion. And the Khotan people believed that the incarnation of Manjus´rı played a major role in making Khotan characters and growing the country. For this reason, the Khotanese King was standing next to Manjus´rı, the lion, and he helped Manjus´rı. The Khotanese King of `Xinyang Wenshu` is not a simple lion trainer but a constitution of a triad form focusing on Manjus´rı with Sudhna. The author says that `Xinyang Wenshu` Iconography, which newly appeared in the early 10th century, was established in Dunhuang, reflecting the creative intentions of Dunhuang forces surrounding him along with Khotanese King, Lishengtien. The printing status of `Xinyang Wenshu` prints is all different, confirming that Dunhuang is the production site of this print. `Xinyang Wenshu` Iconography would have contributed greatly to informing Dunhuang about the influence of the Khotanese King, Lishengtien and Wutaishan faith in Manjus´rı for people who carried it with them and made offerings. In Buddhist art, `icon` is understood as `the expression of contents or teachings in sutras using visual images.` Because the meaning of an icon expressed in image can be grasped properly only based on the knowledge of the contents and belief of Buddhist scripture, the correct understanding of sutras has been regarded as essential for Buddhist art research. However, we should not overlook fact that `icons` depicted in sutras have to be created by someone, and the icon `Xinyang Wenshu` is a representative example showing the process clearly.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 賈應逸, "중앙아시아의 역사와 문화" 솔 140-131, 2007

    2 엔닌, "입당구법순례행기" 선인 189-, 2007

    3 최선아, "돈황(敦煌) 막고굴(莫高窟) 제61굴과 오대산(五臺山) 문수진용(文殊眞容)" 민족문화연구원 (64) : 135-175, 2014

    4 小島 彩, "騎象普賢と騎獅文殊の圖像-中國における成立過程" 137 : 43-59, 1995

    5 赵云旗, "论南禅寺的雕塑艺术" 33-39, 1987

    6 才吾加甫, "藏文文献所见于阗佛教" 75-, 2011

    7 敦煌文物研究所, "莫高窟第220窟新发现的复壁壁画" 41-46, 1978

    8 奧 健夫, "淸凉寺釋迦如來像" 至文堂 513 : 2009

    9 毛利 久, "淸凉寺釋迦像變遷考" 35 : 1-23, 1958

    10 張彦遠, "歷代名畫記 卷三"

    1 賈應逸, "중앙아시아의 역사와 문화" 솔 140-131, 2007

    2 엔닌, "입당구법순례행기" 선인 189-, 2007

    3 최선아, "돈황(敦煌) 막고굴(莫高窟) 제61굴과 오대산(五臺山) 문수진용(文殊眞容)" 민족문화연구원 (64) : 135-175, 2014

    4 小島 彩, "騎象普賢と騎獅文殊の圖像-中國における成立過程" 137 : 43-59, 1995

    5 赵云旗, "论南禅寺的雕塑艺术" 33-39, 1987

    6 才吾加甫, "藏文文献所见于阗佛教" 75-, 2011

    7 敦煌文物研究所, "莫高窟第220窟新发现的复壁壁画" 41-46, 1978

    8 奧 健夫, "淸凉寺釋迦如來像" 至文堂 513 : 2009

    9 毛利 久, "淸凉寺釋迦像變遷考" 35 : 1-23, 1958

    10 張彦遠, "歷代名畫記 卷三"

    11 王使臻, "曹元忠,曹延禄父子两代与于阗政权的联姻" 27-28, 2015

    12 榮新江, "於闐國王李聖天事跡新證" 8-, 2012

    13 许栋, "新样文殊中的于阗王及其相关问题研究—以敦煌发现的新样文殊图像为中心" 81-91, 2016

    14 "新唐書 卷221下" 中華書局 1975

    15 敦煌文物硏究院, "敦煌莫高窟供養人題記" 文物出版社 101-104, 1986

    16 陈菊霞, "敦煌翟氏與敦煌士族間的通婚" 29-35, 2007

    17 陈菊霞, "敦煌翟氏研究" 蘭州大學 曆史文獻學 2008

    18 再收錄, "敦煌石窟于阗国王画像研究" 27 (27): 23-, 2006

    19 沙武田, "敦煌画稿研究" 中央編譯出版社 155-173, 2007

    20 荣新江, "敦煌文獻和繪畫反映的五代宋初中原與西北地區的文化交往" 55-62, 1988

    21 沙武田, "敦煌归义军史专题研究" 甘肅文化出版社 657-676, 2009

    22 谭树桐, "敦煌唐塑和南禅寺彩塑艺术的比较研究" 77-, 1988

    23 潘亮文, "敦煌唐代的文殊菩萨图像试析" 139 : 86-102, 2013

    24 菊竹淳一, "敦煌の佛敎版畵—大英博物館とパリ國立圖書館收藏品を中心に—" 101 : 3-35, 1975

    25 沙武田, "敦煌P.4049“新样文殊”画稿及相关问题研究" 26-32, 2005

    26 "廣淸凉傳 卷中 T51"

    27 허형욱, "崑崙奴 도상에 관한 연구 -法住寺 石造人物像을 중심으로-" 4 : 78-87, 2006

    28 山崎元一, "山本博士還曆記念論文集" 山川出版社 1972

    29 "宋高僧傳 卷2 唐五大山佛陀波利傳"

    30 "宋史 卷490" 中華書局 1977

    31 孙修身, "四川地区文殊菩萨信仰述论" 84-, 1997

    32 祁英涛, "南禅寺大殿修复" 61-, 1980

    33 黄盛璋, "关于沙州曹氏和于闻交往的诸藏文文书及相关问题" 38-, 1992

    34 張惠明, "俄藏柏孜克里克石窟的一幅高昌回鶻時期的五臺山文殊圖壁畫研究" 15 : 157-179, 2015

    35 金申, "佛敎美術叢論" 科學出版社 135-142, 2004

    36 荣新江, "从敦煌的五台山绘画和文献看五代宋初中原与河西于阗间的文化交往" 68-75, 1987

    37 崔福姫, "五台山文殊信仰における化現" 33 : 16-, 2005

    38 陳粟裕, "五代宋初時期於闐王族的漢化研究 -以敦煌石窟中的於闐王族供養像爲中心" 21-28, 2014

    39 寺本婉雅, "于闐國佛敎史の硏究" 國書刊行會 22-, 1974

    40 荣新江, "九,十世紀於闐族屬考辨" 76-83, 1987

    41 玄奘著, "中外交通史籍叢刊" 中華書局 1006-1008, 1990

    42 孙修身, "中國新樣文殊與日本文殊三尊五尊像之比較研究" 44-58, 1996

    43 池田溫, "中國古代籍帳硏究 : 槪觀, 錄文" 東京大學東洋文化硏究所 610-, 1979

    44 杜瑞平, "中国文化研究" 131-135, 2010

    45 長岡龍作, "世界美術全集 東洋編 第5卷 五代․北宋․遼․西夏" 小學館 327-330, 1998

    46 "三寶感應要略録 T2084"

    47 崔福姫, "『古淸凉傳』から 『廣淸凉傳』への文殊信仰の變遷 文殊槪念を中心に" 日本印度學佛敎學會 52 : 192-194, 2003

    48 黄盛璋, "《钢和泰藏卷》与西北史地研究" 60-, 1984

    49 陳粟裕, "“新樣文殊”中的於闐王形象研究" 16-23, 2014

    50 R. E. Emmerick, "Tibetan Texts Concerning Khotan" Oxford University Press 48-49, 1967

    51 Gregory Henderson, "The Buddha of Seiryōji: New Finds and New Theory" 19 (19): 27-30, 1956

    52 H. W. Bailey, "Khotanese Buddhist Text" Cambridge University Press 52-, 1981

    53 Wei-Cheng Lin, "Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China's Mount Wutai, Art History Publicatoin Initiative Books" University of Washington Press 178-, 2014

    54 Lin, Wei-Cheng, "Building a Sacred Mountain : The Buddhist Architecture of China's Mount Wutai" University of Washington Press 176-, 2014

    55 Ning Qiang, "Art, Religion and Politics: Dunhuang Cave 220" Harvard University 1997

    56 Wong, Dorothy C., "A Reassessment of the Representation of Mt. Wutai from Dunhuang Cave 61" 46 : 37-, 1993

    57 赤木崇敏, "10世纪コ一タンの王統·年号问题新史料—敦煌秘笈羽686文书—" 27 : 101-128, 2013

    58 荣新江, "10—11世紀於闐玉的東漸敦煌與中原" 190-200, 2014

    59 井上正, "(特別展覽會)釋迦信仰と淸凉寺" 京都國立博物館 4-12, 1982

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    기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
    2016 0.62 0.62 0.67
    KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
    0.63 0.55 0.793 0.08
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