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    '東北工程' 前史- 傅斯年의 『東北史綱』비판 = When Patriotism Meets Positivistic Historiography: The Critique of Fu Sinian(1896-1950)'s Dong-bei shi-gang

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104521043

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    This paper critically examines the first volume of Dong-bei shi-gang (The Outline of History of Northeast China) written by Fu Sinian, often depicted as ‘Chinese Ranke’for his lifelong emphasis on rigorous, scientific historical research, and Li Chi’s Manchuria in History which briefly summarized the works of Fu and his associates. Published in 1932, Fu’s work has been considered as the first modern historical work done by a Chinese scholar in this area. Immediately after the Japanese Kwantung Army invaded Manchuria in September 1931 (generally known as the Mukden Incident), Fu’s nationalist feeling led him to initiate a research project on the history of Manchuria and subsequently intended to publish its findings under the title of Dong-bei shi-gang. The main purpose of his project was to refute a popular claim by Japanese scholars that Manchuria was not a part of China proper.
    In defense of China’s territorial integrity, Fu and his colleagues wanted to prove the fact that Manchuria had been an integral part of Chinese history for three millennia without any discontinuity. In brief, their main arguments have three points. First, judging from mythological, archaeological, and linguistic findings, the ancient inhabitants of Manchuria were identical to those in North China and shared in the early Chinese civilization. Thus Fu asserted that Manchuria was one of the original cradles of Chinese civilization. Second, seen from recorded history, Manchuria had been governed by a Chinese bureaucratic system. Third, in prehistoric and much of historic times, Manchuria and Korea maintained only minimal communication with Japan.
    After the publication, however, Fu’s treatise drew much criticism not only from Japanese scholars but also from other Chinese historians for having intentionally neglected accepted historical facts to bolster his assertions. Indeed, the mistakes and distortions he made are partly attributable to his lack of knowledge in this area. Fu was not an expert in this field and had insufficient preparation for taking on such a time-consuming task. In addition, the tension between historical objectivity and urgent political needs also played a crucial role. Due to his patriotic motivation, Fu decided to downplay the evidence favorable to the claims made in Japanese propaganda.
    Likewise, Li’s Manchuria in History revealed the same prejudice since he also treated the history of Manchuria as a mere reflection of Chinese history. It was, therefore, such a hopeless project from the beginning that their desperate efforts to rescue the history of Manchuria from Japanese invaders resulted in simply replacing Japanese vision with the perspective of Chinese nationalism. About 70 years later, the so-called Northeast Project, initiated by the government-affiliated research institute of the People’s Republic of China, has shown problems similar to Fu and his associates when it began to distort ancient Korean history for the purpose of consolidating China’s sovereignty and territoriality on Manchuria.
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    This paper critically examines the first volume of Dong-bei shi-gang (The Outline of History of Northeast China) written by Fu Sinian, often depicted as ‘Chinese Ranke’for his lifelong emphasis on rigorous, scientific historical research, and Li C...

    This paper critically examines the first volume of Dong-bei shi-gang (The Outline of History of Northeast China) written by Fu Sinian, often depicted as ‘Chinese Ranke’for his lifelong emphasis on rigorous, scientific historical research, and Li Chi’s Manchuria in History which briefly summarized the works of Fu and his associates. Published in 1932, Fu’s work has been considered as the first modern historical work done by a Chinese scholar in this area. Immediately after the Japanese Kwantung Army invaded Manchuria in September 1931 (generally known as the Mukden Incident), Fu’s nationalist feeling led him to initiate a research project on the history of Manchuria and subsequently intended to publish its findings under the title of Dong-bei shi-gang. The main purpose of his project was to refute a popular claim by Japanese scholars that Manchuria was not a part of China proper.
    In defense of China’s territorial integrity, Fu and his colleagues wanted to prove the fact that Manchuria had been an integral part of Chinese history for three millennia without any discontinuity. In brief, their main arguments have three points. First, judging from mythological, archaeological, and linguistic findings, the ancient inhabitants of Manchuria were identical to those in North China and shared in the early Chinese civilization. Thus Fu asserted that Manchuria was one of the original cradles of Chinese civilization. Second, seen from recorded history, Manchuria had been governed by a Chinese bureaucratic system. Third, in prehistoric and much of historic times, Manchuria and Korea maintained only minimal communication with Japan.
    After the publication, however, Fu’s treatise drew much criticism not only from Japanese scholars but also from other Chinese historians for having intentionally neglected accepted historical facts to bolster his assertions. Indeed, the mistakes and distortions he made are partly attributable to his lack of knowledge in this area. Fu was not an expert in this field and had insufficient preparation for taking on such a time-consuming task. In addition, the tension between historical objectivity and urgent political needs also played a crucial role. Due to his patriotic motivation, Fu decided to downplay the evidence favorable to the claims made in Japanese propaganda.
    Likewise, Li’s Manchuria in History revealed the same prejudice since he also treated the history of Manchuria as a mere reflection of Chinese history. It was, therefore, such a hopeless project from the beginning that their desperate efforts to rescue the history of Manchuria from Japanese invaders resulted in simply replacing Japanese vision with the perspective of Chinese nationalism. About 70 years later, the so-called Northeast Project, initiated by the government-affiliated research institute of the People’s Republic of China, has shown problems similar to Fu and his associates when it began to distort ancient Korean history for the purpose of consolidating China’s sovereignty and territoriality on Manchuria.

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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 傅斯年, "歷史語言硏究所工作之旨趣, In 傅斯年全集 (第3卷)" 湖南敎育出版社 2003

    2 王夏剛, "論抗戰時期的中國東北史硏究" 26 (26): 2005

    3 馬大正, "중국의 국경∙영토인식:20세기 중국의 변강사 연구" 고구려연구재단 2004

    4 노기식, "중국의 滿∙韓 민족관계에 대한 연구 동향, In 중국의 민족∙변강문제 연구 동향" 고구려연구재단 2005

    5 이기동, "북한 역사학의 전개과정, In 전환기의 韓國史學" 일조각 1999

    6 王柯, "민족과 국가" 고구려연구재단 282-322, 2004

    7 이성시, "동북아시아 경계영역의 역사인식:‘배타적 점유’로부터의 해방" 2004

    8 馬大正, "關于當代中國邊疆硏究中的幾個問題" 11 (11): 88-89, 2004

    9 范文瀾, "關于中國歷史上的一些問題, In 范文瀾集" 中國社會科學出版社 60-62, 2001

    10 徐曉旭, "論傅斯年的“史學便是史料學”" 2 : 2003

    1 傅斯年, "歷史語言硏究所工作之旨趣, In 傅斯年全集 (第3卷)" 湖南敎育出版社 2003

    2 王夏剛, "論抗戰時期的中國東北史硏究" 26 (26): 2005

    3 馬大正, "중국의 국경∙영토인식:20세기 중국의 변강사 연구" 고구려연구재단 2004

    4 노기식, "중국의 滿∙韓 민족관계에 대한 연구 동향, In 중국의 민족∙변강문제 연구 동향" 고구려연구재단 2005

    5 이기동, "북한 역사학의 전개과정, In 전환기의 韓國史學" 일조각 1999

    6 王柯, "민족과 국가" 고구려연구재단 282-322, 2004

    7 이성시, "동북아시아 경계영역의 역사인식:‘배타적 점유’로부터의 해방" 2004

    8 馬大正, "關于當代中國邊疆硏究中的幾個問題" 11 (11): 88-89, 2004

    9 范文瀾, "關于中國歷史上的一些問題, In 范文瀾集" 中國社會科學出版社 60-62, 2001

    10 徐曉旭, "論傅斯年的“史學便是史料學”" 2 : 2003

    11 繆風林, "評傅斯年君東北史綱卷首" 2 (2): 1934

    12 田亮, "禹貢學會和《禹貢》半月刊" 3 : 1999

    13 馬大正, "東北邊疆歷史硏究的回顧與思考" 6 (6): 41-, 2005

    14 傅斯年, "東北史綱初稿(第1卷古代之東北)" 國立中央硏究院易史語言硏究所 1932

    15 徐中舒, "東三省之封禁(東北史綱選)" 12 : 2005

    16 歐陽哲生, "序言, In 傅斯年全集 (第1卷)" 湖南敎育出版社 2003

    17 이기동, "岐路에 선 中國역사학:‘東北工程’문제와 관련하여" 2007

    18 傅斯年, "夷夏東西說, In 傅斯年全集 (第3卷)" 226-232, 2003

    19 鄒海英, "傅斯年與《東北史綱》硏究" 遼寧大學 2006

    20 鄭鶴聲, "傅斯年等編著東北史綱草稿" 1 (1): 1933

    21 江心力, "傅斯年“史學只是史料學”思想辨析" 3 : 43-46, 1996

    22 傅樂成, "傅孟眞先生年譜" 臺灣傳記文學出版社 1979

    23 范文瀾, "中國歷史上的民族鬪爭與融合" 1 : 9-, 1980

    24 馬大正, "中國疆域的形成與發展" 14 (14): 13-, 2004

    25 李國强, "“東北工程”與中國東北史硏究" 14 (14): 1-3, 2004

    26 傅斯年, "‘九一八’一年了, In 傅斯年全集 (第4卷)" 2003

    27 Robert H. G. Lee, "The Manchurian Frontier in Ch'ing History" Harvard University Press 1971

    28 Mark Elliott, "The Limits of Tartary:Manchuria in Imperial and National Geographies" 59 (59): 2000

    29 Karl Marx, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, In Marx-Engles Reader (Second Edition)" W. W. Norton & Company 594-, 1978

    30 Frank Diko¨tter, "The Discourse of Race in Modern China" Stanford University Press 1992

    31 Ho, Ping-Ti, "The Chinese Civilization:A Search of the Roots of Its Longevity" 35 (35): 1976

    32 Evelyn S. Rawski, "Reenvisioning the Qing:The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History" 55 (55): 1996

    33 Friedman, Edward, "Reconstructing China's National Identity:A Southern Alternative to Mao-Era Anti-Imperialist Nationalism" 53 (53): 70-71, 1994

    34 Axel Schneider, "Reconciling History with the Nation? Historicity, National Particularity, and the Question of Universals" 18 (18): 2004

    35 Joshua A. Fogel, "Race and Class in Chinese Historiography:Divergent Interpretations of Zhang Bing-lin and Anti-Manchuism in the 1911 Revolution" 3 (3): 1977

    36 Owen Lattimore, "Manchuria:Cradle of Conflict" The Macmillan Company 1935

    37 Chi Li, "Manchuria in History:A Summary" Peking Union Bookstore 1932

    38 Wang Fan-shen, "Fu Ssu-nien:A Life in Chinese History and Politics" Cambridge University Press 2000

    39 Ho, Ping-Ti, "Defense of Sinicization:A Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's“ Reenvisioning the Qing" 57 (57): 1998

    40 Dan Shao, "Borderlanders between Empire and Nation:Banner People in Early Twentieth-century Manchuria" 30 : 2005

    41 Thomas Fro¨hlich, "Book Reviews of Axel Schneider’s Wahrheit und Geschichte" 7 (7): 2000

    42 League of Nations, "Appeal by the Chinese Government. Report of the Commission of Enquiry" Publications Department of the League of Nations 1932

    43 Yoshihiro Ishikawa, "Anti-Manchu Racism and the Rise of Anthropology in Early 20th Century China" 15 : 2003

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