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      북한이탈여성의 어머니 됨 경험 : 남한에서 출산한 30-40대 여성을 중심으로

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=T12928033

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      There are an increasing number of North Korean women defectors who having babies and raising children in South Korea. This study aims to identify the meaning and structure of the motherhood experience of North Korean women defectors delivering in South Korea.
      This study applied the phenomenological qualitative research method to answer the question of, ‘What is the motherhood experience of North Korean Women Defectors?’ A better understanding of the experiences and expectations of these women will help to tailor future maternity related policies and nursing strategies to meet their particular needs.
      The research participants included of 7 North Korean women defectors in their thirties or forties with children between the ages of two and nine. The raw data was gathered through in-depth interview that spanned from minimum of one to maximum of four sessions. The first interview session lasted from two-and-a-half to three hours, whereas all follow-up sessions were limited to one-and-a-half to two hours. The interviews were conducted from July 2010 to June 2012. All of the data was analyzed through the method proposed by Colaizzi (1978).
      This study extracted 41 formulated meanings arranged in nine themes. The themes and meanings are described as follows:

      1. Enter married life without preparation of heart: Join in marriage due to external pressures and circumstances

      2. Taste happiness and marvel from the new experience of being pregnant in the new world: Accept both expected and unexpected pregnancy: Feel comfort and happiness for being pregnant in South Korea that is abundant in food and generous to pregnant women; with the onset of fetal movement find comfort and happiness as the reality of presence of fetus; marvel at the ultrasound images of the fetus that 'cannot even be dreamed about' in North Korea; delighted or disappointed upon finding the gender of the child; learn of fetal education that is unknown in North Korea

      3. Suffer from mental and physical stress as well as from loneliness in the process of becoming a mother: Feel the physical strains of becoming a mother; lonely and gloomy while undergoing pregnancy without any family or relatives to provide support; suffer from physical aftereffects due to inadequate postnatal care; experience symptoms of depression during pregnancy or after birth; envious of the local South Korean husbands that care meticulously of their wives throughout pregnancy and during the birth process

      4. Rediscover a new self as a mother: Realize as a 'mother' of 'my beautiful offspring'; realize oneself treating other children just as one's own child; realize self growth as a strong and embracing mother; long for and regret for one's own mother who they can't meet and
      re-enlightened with the true meaning of one's own mother

      5. The child becomes the source of happiness and vitality in the lonely South Korean life: Happy with taking the role of the mother; energized with the reassurance of 'my child' always being a part of the mother; find great happiness with the care for me and being a pillar shown by child; newly recognize the joy of caring for one's child; find great happiness with child growing up to meet the expectations of the mother; child is the source of comfort of heart and to be the pillar for the family

      6. Strains of sole responsibility of rearing a child: Great difficulty in rearing a child with no support; feel ambivalence when child makes toilsome and mistreated when child doesn't recognize mother's efforts

      7. Burden of mother's role for child education that is completely different from that of North Korea: Feel lacking compared to South Korean mothers who are active in child education and support; concerned that their child may lag behind with limited funds available for private education as compared to other families; feel limitations in teaching their child with little knowledge of South Korean culture·history·education; feel harsh in caring for child as a habit from North Korea; lessen the burden through child education support policies provided by government and regional communities

      8. Concerned that mother's status as a North Korean woman defector may harm child: Worried that child may be bullied because of mother's status as defector; avoid parent meetings due to fear of revealing one's status as defector that can be identified through dialect and accent; concerned that child's future may be hindered by mother's status as defector; concerned about the effect of mother's dialect and accent on child; willing to imbue a sense of mother's identity on child but confused about the potential negative effects

      9. Put all effort into making a life for the sake of the child: Prioritize the child's life due to the great sense of responsibility; put great effort in becoming a role model for the child; sincerely hope to become the child's firm supporter; give great care in tending to child's education and discipline instead of husband who don’t know about child's education or is too busy with providing for the family; wish to rear child with high values and noble character; intend to fully be present as a mother for children left back in North Korea or China; satisfied with the present life

      The following is a phenomenological writing on the basic structure of the motherhood experience of North Korean Women Defectors delivering in South Korea,
      North Korean Women Defectors begin marriage life without much preparation, but eventually attain happiness with the new life and all the marvels that South Korea presents. In the process of becoming a mother, many of these women suffer from pain and loneliness, but throughout the process of giving birth and caring for their child find their maternal instincts transform them into a new self. Also, many of these women discover a renewed happiness and vitality in life through their children. They are satisfied and peaceful with fulfilling the most basic duties of a woman, and are able to enjoy the small joys of child caring with the more comfortable environment that South Korea presents as compared to those of North Korea or China. Although they face much difficulty in caring for their children without much help, and often all by themselves, none of these women would opt for a life without their children and willingly accept their life as a mother. The group of women defectors did confess to feeling lacking and limited to fulfill the role of a mother when it came to educating their children within the South Korean education system. Moreover, many of them were concerned that their status as a defector may in some way negatively impact their children. Nevertheless, they are largely satisfied with the life they have at present and put great effort in bringing up their children in what they believe is noble.
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      There are an increasing number of North Korean women defectors who having babies and raising children in South Korea. This study aims to identify the meaning and structure of the motherhood experience of North Korean women defectors delivering in Sout...

      There are an increasing number of North Korean women defectors who having babies and raising children in South Korea. This study aims to identify the meaning and structure of the motherhood experience of North Korean women defectors delivering in South Korea.
      This study applied the phenomenological qualitative research method to answer the question of, ‘What is the motherhood experience of North Korean Women Defectors?’ A better understanding of the experiences and expectations of these women will help to tailor future maternity related policies and nursing strategies to meet their particular needs.
      The research participants included of 7 North Korean women defectors in their thirties or forties with children between the ages of two and nine. The raw data was gathered through in-depth interview that spanned from minimum of one to maximum of four sessions. The first interview session lasted from two-and-a-half to three hours, whereas all follow-up sessions were limited to one-and-a-half to two hours. The interviews were conducted from July 2010 to June 2012. All of the data was analyzed through the method proposed by Colaizzi (1978).
      This study extracted 41 formulated meanings arranged in nine themes. The themes and meanings are described as follows:

      1. Enter married life without preparation of heart: Join in marriage due to external pressures and circumstances

      2. Taste happiness and marvel from the new experience of being pregnant in the new world: Accept both expected and unexpected pregnancy: Feel comfort and happiness for being pregnant in South Korea that is abundant in food and generous to pregnant women; with the onset of fetal movement find comfort and happiness as the reality of presence of fetus; marvel at the ultrasound images of the fetus that 'cannot even be dreamed about' in North Korea; delighted or disappointed upon finding the gender of the child; learn of fetal education that is unknown in North Korea

      3. Suffer from mental and physical stress as well as from loneliness in the process of becoming a mother: Feel the physical strains of becoming a mother; lonely and gloomy while undergoing pregnancy without any family or relatives to provide support; suffer from physical aftereffects due to inadequate postnatal care; experience symptoms of depression during pregnancy or after birth; envious of the local South Korean husbands that care meticulously of their wives throughout pregnancy and during the birth process

      4. Rediscover a new self as a mother: Realize as a 'mother' of 'my beautiful offspring'; realize oneself treating other children just as one's own child; realize self growth as a strong and embracing mother; long for and regret for one's own mother who they can't meet and
      re-enlightened with the true meaning of one's own mother

      5. The child becomes the source of happiness and vitality in the lonely South Korean life: Happy with taking the role of the mother; energized with the reassurance of 'my child' always being a part of the mother; find great happiness with the care for me and being a pillar shown by child; newly recognize the joy of caring for one's child; find great happiness with child growing up to meet the expectations of the mother; child is the source of comfort of heart and to be the pillar for the family

      6. Strains of sole responsibility of rearing a child: Great difficulty in rearing a child with no support; feel ambivalence when child makes toilsome and mistreated when child doesn't recognize mother's efforts

      7. Burden of mother's role for child education that is completely different from that of North Korea: Feel lacking compared to South Korean mothers who are active in child education and support; concerned that their child may lag behind with limited funds available for private education as compared to other families; feel limitations in teaching their child with little knowledge of South Korean culture·history·education; feel harsh in caring for child as a habit from North Korea; lessen the burden through child education support policies provided by government and regional communities

      8. Concerned that mother's status as a North Korean woman defector may harm child: Worried that child may be bullied because of mother's status as defector; avoid parent meetings due to fear of revealing one's status as defector that can be identified through dialect and accent; concerned that child's future may be hindered by mother's status as defector; concerned about the effect of mother's dialect and accent on child; willing to imbue a sense of mother's identity on child but confused about the potential negative effects

      9. Put all effort into making a life for the sake of the child: Prioritize the child's life due to the great sense of responsibility; put great effort in becoming a role model for the child; sincerely hope to become the child's firm supporter; give great care in tending to child's education and discipline instead of husband who don’t know about child's education or is too busy with providing for the family; wish to rear child with high values and noble character; intend to fully be present as a mother for children left back in North Korea or China; satisfied with the present life

      The following is a phenomenological writing on the basic structure of the motherhood experience of North Korean Women Defectors delivering in South Korea,
      North Korean Women Defectors begin marriage life without much preparation, but eventually attain happiness with the new life and all the marvels that South Korea presents. In the process of becoming a mother, many of these women suffer from pain and loneliness, but throughout the process of giving birth and caring for their child find their maternal instincts transform them into a new self. Also, many of these women discover a renewed happiness and vitality in life through their children. They are satisfied and peaceful with fulfilling the most basic duties of a woman, and are able to enjoy the small joys of child caring with the more comfortable environment that South Korea presents as compared to those of North Korea or China. Although they face much difficulty in caring for their children without much help, and often all by themselves, none of these women would opt for a life without their children and willingly accept their life as a mother. The group of women defectors did confess to feeling lacking and limited to fulfill the role of a mother when it came to educating their children within the South Korean education system. Moreover, many of them were concerned that their status as a defector may in some way negatively impact their children. Nevertheless, they are largely satisfied with the life they have at present and put great effort in bringing up their children in what they believe is noble.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • Ⅰ. 서 론 1
      • 1. 연구의 필요성 1
      • 2. 연구의 목적 4
      • Ⅱ. 문헌고찰 5
      • 1. 북한이탈여성 5
      • Ⅰ. 서 론 1
      • 1. 연구의 필요성 1
      • 2. 연구의 목적 4
      • Ⅱ. 문헌고찰 5
      • 1. 북한이탈여성 5
      • 2. 어머니 됨 경험 14
      • 3. 북한이탈여성의 어머니 됨 경험 17
      • 4. 방법론적 배경 20
      • Ⅲ. 연구방법 23
      • 1. 연구 설계 23
      • 2. 연구자의 가정 23
      • 3. 연구 참여자 24
      • 4. 연구자의 준비 25
      • 5. 자료수집 방법 25
      • 6. 자료분석 방법 27
      • 7. 연구의 신뢰도와 타당도 확인 28
      • Ⅳ. 연구결과 30
      • 1. 주제와 의미 30
      • 2. 현상학적 반성 33
      • 3. 현상학적 글쓰기 97
      • Ⅴ. 논의 104
      • Ⅵ. 결론 및 제언 122
      • 1. 결론 122
      • 2. 제언 125
      • 참고문헌 127
      • 영문초록 134
      • 부록 139
      • 부록 1 생명윤리심의결과통지서 139
      • 부록 2 연구 참의 동의서 140
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