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      조선후기 서양화풍 초상화와 유가적 自我

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      The portrait is a genre that recreates a specific individual image, and it naturally reflects not only the outer characteristics and aesthetic viewpoint of the subject but also certain inner characteristics such as how the society in which the portrait was drawn views humanity. Therefore, it is indispensable to have a correct understanding of individuality. However, it is not an exaggeration to state that explanations of individuality in East Asian Confucian society are direly lacking.
      Terminologies that we customarily use such as“self”(“moi”in French) or “individual”(“individu”in French) are words loaned from western philosophical concepts signifying “an existence as a subject of perception, desire, and action which is separate from the external world or other human beings”or “a human being as an individuality that is irreplaceable with others.”Such meanings, however, are remote from the individuality of traditional East Asian society and that has been a cause of incomplete understanding of traditional portraits.
      Originally, the Confucian self was an active being with moral autonomy and the ability to judge appropriate patterns of behavior in each of the five cardinal relations(五倫): the parent-child, ruler-subject, husband-wife, old-young, and fiend-friend human relationships. However, as Confucianism became politically ideologized during the Han Dynasty and filial piety(孝) became known as the supreme value, the active individual self became submerged into a hierarchy of family ethics centered on the head of the family. Nevertheless, in spite of such a regression of individual autonomy, the Confucian individual can still be said to be a relational being that actively chose and carried out roles proper to the self within the horizontal relationship network of the five cardinal relations and the vertical[hierarchical] relationship network of the four classes(四民).
      The East Asian Confucian society based on these five cardinal relations and such a status system began to show political, social, and economic contradictions during the 16<SUP>th</SUP> and 17<SUP>th</SUP> centuries. In China, the desire to reform the irrational reality was expressed as a new current of neo-Confucianism, namely the doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學), which affirmed human desires and individuality, and that led to increased interest in the physical world. In the case of the Joseon Dynasty, studies on governing and applied scholarship were carried out mainly by the out-of-power Confucianists who rebelled against the unreality of existing neo-Confucianism and the failure of its policies.
      The resulting emphasis on the physical aspects of the Universe in the Late Ming Dynasty in China and the Late Joseon Dynasty in Korea also caused a transformation in the characteristics of the traditional Confucian individual. The traditional Confucian human being that endeavored to become an ideal person, a “man of virtue”(君子), through the cultivation of oneself as a relational being located within the network of the five cardinal relations and status-based relations, now became replaced by a realistic human being pursuing perfection of character within the concrete activities of everyday life. Such inner changes in Confucianism, however, did not negate the foundations of Confucian society, which rested on the traditions of the five cardinal horizontal relations and status-based hierarchical relations. The traditional self built on relationships was maintained just the same, while only the method of reaching the Confucian individual's ideal adulthood (becoming a man of virtue) had changed, shedding the abstract approach that had been the norm until then and following the new method of expressing that ideal within the concrete life of reality.
      The interest in reality influenced painting and created a tendency to emphasize realistic representation, and this showed most notably in portraits. With portraits in the Late Joseon Dynasty, the reception of we
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      The portrait is a genre that recreates a specific individual image, and it naturally reflects not only the outer characteristics and aesthetic viewpoint of the subject but also certain inner characteristics such as how the society in which the portrai...

      The portrait is a genre that recreates a specific individual image, and it naturally reflects not only the outer characteristics and aesthetic viewpoint of the subject but also certain inner characteristics such as how the society in which the portrait was drawn views humanity. Therefore, it is indispensable to have a correct understanding of individuality. However, it is not an exaggeration to state that explanations of individuality in East Asian Confucian society are direly lacking.
      Terminologies that we customarily use such as“self”(“moi”in French) or “individual”(“individu”in French) are words loaned from western philosophical concepts signifying “an existence as a subject of perception, desire, and action which is separate from the external world or other human beings”or “a human being as an individuality that is irreplaceable with others.”Such meanings, however, are remote from the individuality of traditional East Asian society and that has been a cause of incomplete understanding of traditional portraits.
      Originally, the Confucian self was an active being with moral autonomy and the ability to judge appropriate patterns of behavior in each of the five cardinal relations(五倫): the parent-child, ruler-subject, husband-wife, old-young, and fiend-friend human relationships. However, as Confucianism became politically ideologized during the Han Dynasty and filial piety(孝) became known as the supreme value, the active individual self became submerged into a hierarchy of family ethics centered on the head of the family. Nevertheless, in spite of such a regression of individual autonomy, the Confucian individual can still be said to be a relational being that actively chose and carried out roles proper to the self within the horizontal relationship network of the five cardinal relations and the vertical[hierarchical] relationship network of the four classes(四民).
      The East Asian Confucian society based on these five cardinal relations and such a status system began to show political, social, and economic contradictions during the 16<SUP>th</SUP> and 17<SUP>th</SUP> centuries. In China, the desire to reform the irrational reality was expressed as a new current of neo-Confucianism, namely the doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學), which affirmed human desires and individuality, and that led to increased interest in the physical world. In the case of the Joseon Dynasty, studies on governing and applied scholarship were carried out mainly by the out-of-power Confucianists who rebelled against the unreality of existing neo-Confucianism and the failure of its policies.
      The resulting emphasis on the physical aspects of the Universe in the Late Ming Dynasty in China and the Late Joseon Dynasty in Korea also caused a transformation in the characteristics of the traditional Confucian individual. The traditional Confucian human being that endeavored to become an ideal person, a “man of virtue”(君子), through the cultivation of oneself as a relational being located within the network of the five cardinal relations and status-based relations, now became replaced by a realistic human being pursuing perfection of character within the concrete activities of everyday life. Such inner changes in Confucianism, however, did not negate the foundations of Confucian society, which rested on the traditions of the five cardinal horizontal relations and status-based hierarchical relations. The traditional self built on relationships was maintained just the same, while only the method of reaching the Confucian individual's ideal adulthood (becoming a man of virtue) had changed, shedding the abstract approach that had been the norm until then and following the new method of expressing that ideal within the concrete life of reality.
      The interest in reality influenced painting and created a tendency to emphasize realistic representation, and this showed most notably in portraits. With portraits in the Late Joseon Dynasty, the reception of we

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • Ⅰ. 머리말
      • Ⅱ. 유가적 자아의 개념
      • Ⅲ. 유가적 자아의 변질과 서양화법
      • Ⅳ. 조선후기 서양화풍 초상화의 혁신성과 보수성
      • Ⅴ. 맺음말
      • Ⅰ. 머리말
      • Ⅱ. 유가적 자아의 개념
      • Ⅲ. 유가적 자아의 변질과 서양화법
      • Ⅳ. 조선후기 서양화풍 초상화의 혁신성과 보수성
      • Ⅴ. 맺음말
      • 참고문헌
      • 〈Abstract〉
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 배영동, "혈연공동체를 결속하는 조상제사" 안동대 한국국학진흥원 67-94, 2005

      2 강관식, "털과 눈, 조선시대 초상화의 제의적 명제와 조형적 과제" (248) : 95-125, 2005.12

      3 조인수, "중국초상화의 성격과 기능-명청대 조종화를 중심으로" 서울시립미술관 152-161, 2003

      4 馬華, "중국은사문화" 동문선 1997

      5 미조구치 유조(溝口雄三), "중국사상 명강의" 소나무 2004

      6 미조구치 유조(溝口雄三), "중국 전근대 사상의 굴절과 전개" 동과서 2007

      7 이태호, "조선후기에‘카메라 옵스큐라’로 그림을 그렸다" (6) : 105-129, 2005

      8 이태호, "조선후기 초상화의 제작공정과 그 비용" 서울서예박물관 398-404, 2003

      9 강관식, "조선시대 초상화의 圖像과 心像" 미술사교육연구회 7-55, 2001

      10 이성미, "조선시대 그림 속의 서양화법" 대원사 2000

      1 배영동, "혈연공동체를 결속하는 조상제사" 안동대 한국국학진흥원 67-94, 2005

      2 강관식, "털과 눈, 조선시대 초상화의 제의적 명제와 조형적 과제" (248) : 95-125, 2005.12

      3 조인수, "중국초상화의 성격과 기능-명청대 조종화를 중심으로" 서울시립미술관 152-161, 2003

      4 馬華, "중국은사문화" 동문선 1997

      5 미조구치 유조(溝口雄三), "중국사상 명강의" 소나무 2004

      6 미조구치 유조(溝口雄三), "중국 전근대 사상의 굴절과 전개" 동과서 2007

      7 이태호, "조선후기에‘카메라 옵스큐라’로 그림을 그렸다" (6) : 105-129, 2005

      8 이태호, "조선후기 초상화의 제작공정과 그 비용" 서울서예박물관 398-404, 2003

      9 강관식, "조선시대 초상화의 圖像과 心像" 미술사교육연구회 7-55, 2001

      10 이성미, "조선시대 그림 속의 서양화법" 대원사 2000

      11 張光直, "신화 미술 제사" 동문선 1990.

      12 趙善美, "명.청대 초상화와의 비교를 통해 본 조선시대 초상화의 성격" 1 : 500-521, 2006

      13 박효은, "김광국의《석농화원》과 18세기 후반 조선화단" 학고재 125-157, 2003

      14 崔仁辰, "韓國寫眞史, 1631-1945" 눈빛 1999

      15 "湖洛..爭의 哲學史的意義 제2회 동양문화학술회의 자료집" 144155-, 1980

      16 洪善杓, "朝鮮後期의 西洋畵觀" 154165-, 1988

      17 趙善美, "朝鮮後期中國肖像畵의 ..入과 韓國的變用: 赴京使行持來本을 중심으로" (14) : 125-152, 2002.상반기

      18 "政治的側面에서 본 忠孝思想" 15 : 2934-, 1977

      19 "忠孝의 ..念과 그 思想的屈折" 15 : 8491-, 1977

      20 김승혜, "儒家的人間像과 舊約的人間像 君子와 義人에 대한 宗敎學的고찰 서강대학교 국어국문학과 편 東西洋文化의 ..解" 524-, 1990

      21 미조구치 유조(溝口雄三), "中國思想文化事典" 민족문화문고 2003

      22 ”Chu Hsi, "Youn Sa-soon.“The Korean Controversy over Chu Hsi’s View on the Nature of Man and Things Papers presented at the International Conference on Chu Hsi 1982 in Honolulu University of Hawaii Press" 570571-, 1986

      23 ”eds. Arnold. J. Marsella, "Tu Wei-Ming.“Selfhood and Otherness in Confucian Thought" 231251-, 1985

      24 Jansen, Marius B, "The Making of Modern Japan" Cambridge & London: Harvard University Press 2000

      25 Slote, Walter H, "Psychocultural Dynamics within the Confucian Family" Albany: State University of New York Press 37-51, 1998

      26 Lu Dong, "Place des jardins dans la culture chinoise" Paris 9-15, 2000

      27 Hou Ching-lang, "Physiognomonie d’apres le teint sous la dynastie des T’ang" 5570-, 1979

      28 "Nostalgies coreennes: peintures et paravents du XVIIe au XIXe siecle" Paris: Musee Guimet 2001

      29 Gies, Jacques, "La Perspectiva ou Science de la vision de Nian Xiyao(?..1739): le paradoxe recurrent de la rencontre Chine-Occident" Paris: Musee Guimet 13-43, 2006

      30 Hsu, "Francis L. K.“ The Self in Cross Cultural Perspective" 2455-, 1985

      31 Moore, "Charles A. ed. The Status of the Individual in East and West. Honolulu University of Hawaii Press" 1968.

      32 King, Ambrose Y. C, "Ambrose Y. C.“ The Individual and Group in Confucianism Studies in Confucian and Taoist Value. Ann Arbor Center for Chinese Studies-University of Michigan" 5769-, 1985

      33 이수미, "<尹斗緖自畵像>의 표현기법 및 안료 분석" (74) : 81-83, 2006.7

      34 박은순, "19세기 文人影幀의 圖像과 樣式-..漢喆의 <..裕元像>을 중심으로-" (24) : 157-189, 2005.6

      35 박은순, "..巖..賢輔의 影幀과 <影幀改摹時日記>" (242, 243) : 225-254, 2004.9

      36 ..崇正, "..世寧과 宮廷繪畵" (5) : 94-101, 1997

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2027 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2021-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
      2018-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2015-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2011-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2009-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (등재유지) KCI등재
      2007-01-01 평가 등재 1차 FAIL (등재유지) KCI등재
      2004-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2003-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2002-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 FAIL (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2001-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.64 0.64 0.61
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.65 0.63 0.82 0.07
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