This thesis aims for examining a direction of changing that is involved in the correspondence of Middle Korean /h/ and Kyeongsang Dialect /k/. Up to now, it is generally accepted that Kyeongsang Dialect /k/ is changed from Middle Korean /k/. But I hav...
This thesis aims for examining a direction of changing that is involved in the correspondence of Middle Korean /h/ and Kyeongsang Dialect /k/. Up to now, it is generally accepted that Kyeongsang Dialect /k/ is changed from Middle Korean /k/. But I have proved that the a direction of changing in the correspondence of Middle Korean /h/ and Kyeongsang Dialect /k/ is not /h/>/k/ after Middle Korean, but /k/>/h/ before Middle Korean. That is to say, Kyeongsang Dialect /k/ is older than Middle Korean /h/ in the correspondence of /h/:/k/. It is parallel of the exiting explanation that Kyeongsang Dialect /k/ is older than Middle Korean `ㅇ` in the correspondence of ‘ㅇ’:/k/. Also I demonstrate that a change of *g>*r>?? is eventually phonological /k/>/h/>Ø. *g>*r>?? had been established in a development of Middle Korean ‘ㅇ[??]’. As do so, I demonstrate that the ‘ㅇ’:/k/, /h/:/k correspondence of Middle Korean and Kyeongsang Dialect is the same diachronic change.