In studying how overseas Chinese living in Chinatown and Incheon area perceive space and place and practice such perceptions this dissertation aims to examine in a concrete way cultural identity of overseas Chinese in Korea and the mechanism of social...
In studying how overseas Chinese living in Chinatown and Incheon area perceive space and place and practice such perceptions this dissertation aims to examine in a concrete way cultural identity of overseas Chinese in Korea and the mechanism of social change in Chinatown.
Incheon community of overseas Chinese is a kind of spatial enclave that expands beyond the physical place of Chinatown. This moral and communal space is where social relations and status are formed and mutual economic activities take place. The important cultural principles operating in this social space are not only the basic principles found in the mother land China such as guanxi (關係), renqing (人情), mianzi (面子), and bao (報) but also other economical and political practices related to family like marriage and funeral, rotating savings and credit associations (hui, 會), and banquets (qingke, 請客).
Spatial perception of overseas Chinese in Korea goes back to the Qing Chinese settlement of the late 19th century. From their perspective, they first settled in the Qing Chinese Settlement area created by the international treaty of 1884 but were forced to disperse gradually when the settlement was abolished in 1913 after the annexation of Korea to Japan. In other words, they became an internal diasporic people. Especially after the 1960s, most of overseas Chinese communities were disintegrated and many overseas Chinese turned to low end restaurant business for survival in face of the anti-foreigners land acquisition act and urban planning of the South Korean government. Having dispersed to different cities they can only affirm their cultural identity through social and family events like hui, wedding, funeral, and other annual events. They became more and more a spatial community instead of a territorial community. What they wanted was a legal territory of their own within the residing country. In case of Korea, they wanted the mother land and the South Korean government to protect their own culture different from that of the residing country. Nevertheless, the policy of homogeneous nation pursued by the South Korean government pushed overseas Chinese further onto the margin and to poverty. Their mother land China which supposed to be their refuge was cut off from South Korea after becoming a communist state. At the same time, their state of nationality, Taiwan, slowly lost its status in the international community. As they turned to low end restaurant business they even began to lose their cultural pride which they had while living in the residing country.
A new period for the overseas Chinese in Korea began when South Korea normalized its relations with China in 1992. Soon after, the South Korean government reformed the foreigners’ land acquisition act and announced the plan to re-develop Chinatown. Although Chinatown was planned by the South Korean central government and Incheon city government as a special zone for tourism development, the new plan was perceived by overseas Chinese as a restoration of their legal settlement area where their unique ethnic identity would be preserved. As they regained the once lost sense of territory many expected that they will reconstruct a new community in Chinatown. These strategies are an important example of diversity of ethnicity or identity that appears when multiple cultures come into contact.