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    한국 여성 노동주기(Work Cycle)에 관한 연구 = Korean Industrialization and Women's Work Cycle

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A75195502

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Introduction
    1. Industrialization and Characteristics of Women's Labor Participation
    2. Structure of Women's Work Cycle
    3.Employment process of Single Migrant Women
    4. Marriage and Work Cycle.
    5. Changing Consciousness of Women Workers and Work Cycle
    Conclusion
    Bibliography
    The structural characteristics of women's labor participation in Korean industrialization which began early in 1960 has been that the bulk of young single women from the rural sector turned into a major labor force for export manufacturing and that their labor participation in the formal sector is limited to the lowest rank of simple, repetive skilled jobs. And also their employment is generally short and temporary until marriage. Women's marital status also their employment is generally short and temporary until marriage. Women's marital status is a crucial factor pushing women workers out of the formal sector and marginalizing most of them as informal workers of various categories. This trend evidences sex discrimination in employment and wage structure. Such a discriminatory structure of women labor has been a prevailing feature of working class women's work cycle at the individual level, particularly for migrants form the agricultural sector. Therefore, the experiences of young women workers who are going through the cycle of industrial labor, marriage and the reproductive role combined with income earning activities in the informal or formal sector, draws our research interest as a pertinent problem area as they are excluded from the benefits of development.
    This research takes a longitudinal approach to women's work cycle in order to supplement the understanding and knowledge of the structural characterics of women's work cycle, and also to provide clearer picture of women's labor particiation, which generally is analyzed only through statical data, with concrete and vivid stories of women's experiences.
    Furthermore, in view of the general educational level of young workers rising and the changing demoraphic structure affecting the supply of young workers declining already shown in workers seeking employment, it is expected that in the near future the export industries will have to change their employment policy form favoring young single girls to one focusing on married women. Therefore, the companies will have to improve their labor conditions making them favorable for job stability and continuity after marriage.
    In view of these changing factors, it is the concern of this research to understand to what extend industrial women workers are showing changes in their consciousness with regard to labor. How do they conceive their changing roles as industrial workers fr family and society, with their increased educational level? To what extent may one expect young women workers to adapt their life and work to the changing structural demands, breaking out of the constraints of the traditional work cycle? How aware and ready are they to demand changes in the discriminatory conditions that would allow then\m to attain job stability and continuity? What in their view, are the factiors hindering the improvement of discriminatory conditions and the realization of woman's rights as worker and citizen? These problems are dealt with by focusing particularly on production workers employed in high-tech industries as they are expected to spear-head such changes under the impact of the intensifying industrialization.
    With these problems to examine this research has selected the method of case study with in-depth interview in order to approach women's work cycle from the longitudinal perspective. In selecting the case samples, the following factors had to be taken into consideration. Assuming that the structural model of women's work cycle has emerged largely from the labor participation of young, single girl migrants from the rural areas, and that stages of Korean industrialization have changed form an emphasis on light export industries between 1962-75 to heavy industries with strategic intensification of high-tech from 1976 to the 80's, the interview cases are selected from two age groups, namely those in the thirties and those in their twenties. Expecting that those in the first age group have married and been pushed out of the formal sector, cases have been sought among the informal sector workers. And the young workers are selected form the formal sector purposely drawn from electronics and semi-conductor industries. Due to the time-consuming nature of in-depth interviews requiring a series of meetings with each worker, the interview sample is a small group of 36. Because of the sample size, the findings are not sued as the basis for any generalization about future trends of change in women's work cycle. They are presented as descriptive data to contribute to the understanding of possible changes taking place in the consciousness of young workers with regard to their work and life as sell as the changing demands of their relation to industry and the family.
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    Introduction 1. Industrialization and Characteristics of Women's Labor Participation 2. Structure of Women's Work Cycle 3.Employment process of Single Migrant Women 4. Marriage and Work Cycle. 5. Changing Consciousness of Women Workers and Work C...

    Introduction
    1. Industrialization and Characteristics of Women's Labor Participation
    2. Structure of Women's Work Cycle
    3.Employment process of Single Migrant Women
    4. Marriage and Work Cycle.
    5. Changing Consciousness of Women Workers and Work Cycle
    Conclusion
    Bibliography
    The structural characteristics of women's labor participation in Korean industrialization which began early in 1960 has been that the bulk of young single women from the rural sector turned into a major labor force for export manufacturing and that their labor participation in the formal sector is limited to the lowest rank of simple, repetive skilled jobs. And also their employment is generally short and temporary until marriage. Women's marital status also their employment is generally short and temporary until marriage. Women's marital status is a crucial factor pushing women workers out of the formal sector and marginalizing most of them as informal workers of various categories. This trend evidences sex discrimination in employment and wage structure. Such a discriminatory structure of women labor has been a prevailing feature of working class women's work cycle at the individual level, particularly for migrants form the agricultural sector. Therefore, the experiences of young women workers who are going through the cycle of industrial labor, marriage and the reproductive role combined with income earning activities in the informal or formal sector, draws our research interest as a pertinent problem area as they are excluded from the benefits of development.
    This research takes a longitudinal approach to women's work cycle in order to supplement the understanding and knowledge of the structural characterics of women's work cycle, and also to provide clearer picture of women's labor particiation, which generally is analyzed only through statical data, with concrete and vivid stories of women's experiences.
    Furthermore, in view of the general educational level of young workers rising and the changing demoraphic structure affecting the supply of young workers declining already shown in workers seeking employment, it is expected that in the near future the export industries will have to change their employment policy form favoring young single girls to one focusing on married women. Therefore, the companies will have to improve their labor conditions making them favorable for job stability and continuity after marriage.
    In view of these changing factors, it is the concern of this research to understand to what extend industrial women workers are showing changes in their consciousness with regard to labor. How do they conceive their changing roles as industrial workers fr family and society, with their increased educational level? To what extent may one expect young women workers to adapt their life and work to the changing structural demands, breaking out of the constraints of the traditional work cycle? How aware and ready are they to demand changes in the discriminatory conditions that would allow then\m to attain job stability and continuity? What in their view, are the factiors hindering the improvement of discriminatory conditions and the realization of woman's rights as worker and citizen? These problems are dealt with by focusing particularly on production workers employed in high-tech industries as they are expected to spear-head such changes under the impact of the intensifying industrialization.
    With these problems to examine this research has selected the method of case study with in-depth interview in order to approach women's work cycle from the longitudinal perspective. In selecting the case samples, the following factors had to be taken into consideration. Assuming that the structural model of women's work cycle has emerged largely from the labor participation of young, single girl migrants from the rural areas, and that stages of Korean industrialization have changed form an emphasis on light export industries between 1962-75 to heavy industries with strategic intensification of high-tech from 1976 to the 80's, the interview cases are selected from two age groups, namely those in the thirties and those in their twenties. Expecting that those in the first age group have married and been pushed out of the formal sector, cases have been sought among the informal sector workers. And the young workers are selected form the formal sector purposely drawn from electronics and semi-conductor industries. Due to the time-consuming nature of in-depth interviews requiring a series of meetings with each worker, the interview sample is a small group of 36. Because of the sample size, the findings are not sued as the basis for any generalization about future trends of change in women's work cycle. They are presented as descriptive data to contribute to the understanding of possible changes taking place in the consciousness of young workers with regard to their work and life as sell as the changing demands of their relation to industry and the family.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 서론
    • 1. 산업화와 여성노동 참여의 특성
    • 2. 여성노동주기의 구조적 성격
    • 3. 이농여성의 취업과정
    • 4. 기혼여성의 노동주기 : 결혼후 재취업여성의 노동주기
    • 서론
    • 1. 산업화와 여성노동 참여의 특성
    • 2. 여성노동주기의 구조적 성격
    • 3. 이농여성의 취업과정
    • 4. 기혼여성의 노동주기 : 결혼후 재취업여성의 노동주기
    • 5. 노동의식의 변화와 노동주기
    • 요약과 결론
    • 참고문헌
    • Abstract
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