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    2000년 미국 대통령 선거에서의 뉴스의제 형성-후보자의제의 이슈소유권과 소구기법을 중심으로

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A75801765

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    국문 초록 (Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    이 연구는 선거캠페인에서 정치 후보자가 뉴스의제의 형성에 유의미한 영향력을 행사하는지와 이슈의제의 당파적 소유권 형태와 소구기법이 후보자의 의제형성력을 어떻게 매개하는지를 탐구하였다. 분석결과에 따르면 첫째, 후보자의제와 뉴스의제의 관계는 상호적이었다. 2000년 미국 대선에서 뉴스미디어는 이러한 상호적 관계를 다소간 선도함으로써 의제확장자보다는 의제형성자에 가까운 역할을 담당했다. 둘째, 양후보의 이슈의제 공히 뚜렷한 당파적 속성을 보이지 않은 가운데, 당파적 소유권은 후보자의 의제형성력에 유의미한 영향력을 행사하지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 소구기법은 후보자의 의제형성력을 유의미하게 매개했는데, 긍정적 방식보다는 네거티브한 소구기법이 후보자가 뉴스의제에 미치는 영향력을 높이는 데에 효과적이었다.
    번역하기

    이 연구는 선거캠페인에서 정치 후보자가 뉴스의제의 형성에 유의미한 영향력을 행사하는지와 이슈의제의 당파적 소유권 형태와 소구기법이 후보자의 의제형성력을 어떻게 매개하는지를 ...

    이 연구는 선거캠페인에서 정치 후보자가 뉴스의제의 형성에 유의미한 영향력을 행사하는지와 이슈의제의 당파적 소유권 형태와 소구기법이 후보자의 의제형성력을 어떻게 매개하는지를 탐구하였다. 분석결과에 따르면 첫째, 후보자의제와 뉴스의제의 관계는 상호적이었다. 2000년 미국 대선에서 뉴스미디어는 이러한 상호적 관계를 다소간 선도함으로써 의제확장자보다는 의제형성자에 가까운 역할을 담당했다. 둘째, 양후보의 이슈의제 공히 뚜렷한 당파적 속성을 보이지 않은 가운데, 당파적 소유권은 후보자의 의제형성력에 유의미한 영향력을 행사하지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 소구기법은 후보자의 의제형성력을 유의미하게 매개했는데, 긍정적 방식보다는 네거티브한 소구기법이 후보자가 뉴스의제에 미치는 영향력을 높이는 데에 효과적이었다.

    더보기

    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    This paper investigates the candidate-media relationship in campaign agenda formation, exploring what factors influence the candidates' power to set their own issues on the news media. Two campaign-related variables, partisan issue ownership and the tone of issue presentation are considered to be important in determining candidate agenda-setting power. Press-releases by the two major presidential candidates during the general election campaign in 2000 were analyzed in terms of issue emphasis, partisan issue ownership, presentation tones and related to the issue salience on the network news agenda.<br/>
    The results demonstrated a reciprocal relationship between<br/>
    presidential candidates and the news media in the formation of campaign agendas. Although the candidates of the 2000 presidential election succeeded in making the news agenda reflect their own issue bundles to a meaningful degree, however, they seem to have focused more on responding to the news media's issue selections. It may be more correct, therefore, to say that the candidates resonated with the news media than to say that the campaign coverage evolved around the candidates' issue strategies. Borrowing Semetko et al. 's (1991)<br/>
    terms, the news media in 2000 played a middle-ground role between "agenda shaping" and "agenda amplifying' during the general election campaign, yet the role was closer to that of "agenda shaping." In conclusion, the news media's leading role m deciding the direction of national conversations features the political-media complex in the presidential campaign of 2000.<br/>
    Findings also provided support for the hypothesis that oppositional tones of candidate issue presentation would be more effective in drawing free coverage, than would self-promoting tones of presen-tation, while disproving the positive role of partisan issue ownership in magnifying the likelihood for a candidate to set his/her issues on the news agenda. Although Gore in general seemed to have been a more competent agenda setter than his Republican opponent. this might be mainly because of his attack strategies, not because of the fitness of his issue campaigns to his Partisanship.<br/>
    Bush's deviance from his traditional partisan track, and his responsiveness and flexibility to the issue environment led by the news media rather than by the candidates, might be more appealing to the news media (and possibly to the voters), if other factors<br/>
    (e. g., the tone of issue presentation) are not considered. Otherwise put, Bush's adaptability to the issue environment, where some key Democratic issues prevailed over the Republican issues or performance issues, seems to have helped him lease successfully those Democratic issues during the campaign.<br/>
    It is still an important attempt to identify some important campaign or candidate-related variables influencing candidate agenda setting, given that previous studies have elaborated primarily on media-centered micro factors or more macro political, cultural variables affecting the candidate-media relationship. The tone of presentation,<br/>
    in other words, the strategies of appeals, has been proved to be important for the electoral success of unpaid candidate communications as well as for that of paid communications. Future research may need to address the roles played by other candidate attributes, such as the status of candidacy, candidate partisanship per se, or other demographic traits, in possibly enhancing or reducing candidate agenda -setting power. Although this study does not confirm the positive role of partisan issue ownership in candidate<br/>
    agenda setting, partisan compositions of candidate issue agendas may be a significant factor in other campaigns, where political candidates tend to emphasize the issues owned by their own party significantly more than those owned by the opponent party, unlike the 2000 campaign.<br/>
    Methodologically, this study is challenging in that it utilized the data in the candidate we
    번역하기

    This paper investigates the candidate-media relationship in campaign agenda formation, exploring what factors influence the candidates' power to set their own issues on the news media. Two campaign-related variables, partisan issue ownership and the t...

    This paper investigates the candidate-media relationship in campaign agenda formation, exploring what factors influence the candidates' power to set their own issues on the news media. Two campaign-related variables, partisan issue ownership and the tone of issue presentation are considered to be important in determining candidate agenda-setting power. Press-releases by the two major presidential candidates during the general election campaign in 2000 were analyzed in terms of issue emphasis, partisan issue ownership, presentation tones and related to the issue salience on the network news agenda.<br/>
    The results demonstrated a reciprocal relationship between<br/>
    presidential candidates and the news media in the formation of campaign agendas. Although the candidates of the 2000 presidential election succeeded in making the news agenda reflect their own issue bundles to a meaningful degree, however, they seem to have focused more on responding to the news media's issue selections. It may be more correct, therefore, to say that the candidates resonated with the news media than to say that the campaign coverage evolved around the candidates' issue strategies. Borrowing Semetko et al. 's (1991)<br/>
    terms, the news media in 2000 played a middle-ground role between "agenda shaping" and "agenda amplifying' during the general election campaign, yet the role was closer to that of "agenda shaping." In conclusion, the news media's leading role m deciding the direction of national conversations features the political-media complex in the presidential campaign of 2000.<br/>
    Findings also provided support for the hypothesis that oppositional tones of candidate issue presentation would be more effective in drawing free coverage, than would self-promoting tones of presen-tation, while disproving the positive role of partisan issue ownership in magnifying the likelihood for a candidate to set his/her issues on the news agenda. Although Gore in general seemed to have been a more competent agenda setter than his Republican opponent. this might be mainly because of his attack strategies, not because of the fitness of his issue campaigns to his Partisanship.<br/>
    Bush's deviance from his traditional partisan track, and his responsiveness and flexibility to the issue environment led by the news media rather than by the candidates, might be more appealing to the news media (and possibly to the voters), if other factors<br/>
    (e. g., the tone of issue presentation) are not considered. Otherwise put, Bush's adaptability to the issue environment, where some key Democratic issues prevailed over the Republican issues or performance issues, seems to have helped him lease successfully those Democratic issues during the campaign.<br/>
    It is still an important attempt to identify some important campaign or candidate-related variables influencing candidate agenda setting, given that previous studies have elaborated primarily on media-centered micro factors or more macro political, cultural variables affecting the candidate-media relationship. The tone of presentation,<br/>
    in other words, the strategies of appeals, has been proved to be important for the electoral success of unpaid candidate communications as well as for that of paid communications. Future research may need to address the roles played by other candidate attributes, such as the status of candidacy, candidate partisanship per se, or other demographic traits, in possibly enhancing or reducing candidate agenda -setting power. Although this study does not confirm the positive role of partisan issue ownership in candidate<br/>
    agenda setting, partisan compositions of candidate issue agendas may be a significant factor in other campaigns, where political candidates tend to emphasize the issues owned by their own party significantly more than those owned by the opponent party, unlike the 2000 campaign.<br/>
    Methodologically, this study is challenging in that it utilized the data in the candidate we

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 초록
    • 1. 서론
    • 2. 이론적 논의
    • 3. 연구방법
    • 4. 연구결과
    • 초록
    • 1. 서론
    • 2. 이론적 논의
    • 3. 연구방법
    • 4. 연구결과
    • 5. 요약과 논의
    • 참고문헌
    • ABSTRACT
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 "Who follows whom? The impact of parties on media agenda formation in the 1997 British General Election Campaign." 7 (7): 34-54, 2002

    2 "Two levels of agenda setting among advertising and news in the 1995 Spanish elections." 15 : 225-238, 1998

    3 "Toward a theory of press-state relation in the U Journal of Communication" 103-125, 1990

    4 "The rise and fall of social problems American Journal of Sociology" 53-78, 1988

    5 "The politics of agenda building An alternative perspective for modern democratic theory Journal of Politics" 892-915, 1971

    6 "The political media complex at 50: Putting the 1996 presidential campaign in context." 40 : 1264-1282, 1997

    7 "The nature of belief systems in mass publics" Free Press 1964

    8 "The influence of presidential agenda-setting on the mass media's coverage of the information superhighway." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication 1995

    9 "The formation of campaign agendas A comparative analysis of party and media roles in recent American and British elections" 1991

    10 "The emergence of American political issues The agenda-setting function of the press" 1976

    1 "Who follows whom? The impact of parties on media agenda formation in the 1997 British General Election Campaign." 7 (7): 34-54, 2002

    2 "Two levels of agenda setting among advertising and news in the 1995 Spanish elections." 15 : 225-238, 1998

    3 "Toward a theory of press-state relation in the U Journal of Communication" 103-125, 1990

    4 "The rise and fall of social problems American Journal of Sociology" 53-78, 1988

    5 "The politics of agenda building An alternative perspective for modern democratic theory Journal of Politics" 892-915, 1971

    6 "The political media complex at 50: Putting the 1996 presidential campaign in context." 40 : 1264-1282, 1997

    7 "The nature of belief systems in mass publics" Free Press 1964

    8 "The influence of presidential agenda-setting on the mass media's coverage of the information superhighway." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication 1995

    9 "The formation of campaign agendas A comparative analysis of party and media roles in recent American and British elections" 1991

    10 "The emergence of American political issues The agenda-setting function of the press" 1976

    11 "The battle for public opinion the press and the polls during Watergate" Columbia University Press 1983

    12 "The agenda setting function of mass media" 176-187, 1972

    13 "The State of Union address and the press agenda" 584-588, 1980

    14 "The Myth of Television Power in National Politics" 1976

    15 "Running as a woman: Gender stereotyping political campaigns." Oxford University Press 77-98, 1997

    16 "Reviewing presidential politics: Campaigns, media and the public interest" Rowman & Littlefield 1996

    17 "Presidential approval rating as a variable in the agenda-building process" 68 (68): 672-679, 1991

    18 "Political communication: Politics, press and public in America." Lawrence Erlbaum 1998

    19 "Over the Wire and on TV CBS and UPI in Campaign '80" 1983

    20 "Out of Order" Vintage Books 1994

    21 "Origins of the news agenda" 249-262, 1994

    22 "Mediating the message: Theories of influence on mass media content" Longman 1996

    23 "Media agenda-setting in a presidential election" 1981

    24 "Issue publics in American politics. Unpublished doctoral dissertation." California Institute Technology 1999

    25 "Issue ownership in presidential elections, with a 1980 case study" 40 (40): 825-850, 1996

    26 "Issue ownership and presidential campaigning, 1952-2000." Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association 2001August

    27 "Issue effects and party strategies in twenty-three democracies" 1983

    28 "Intertwining of campaign news and advertising:The content and electoral effects of newspaper ad watches" 79 (79): 927-944, 2002

    29 "How the president's State of the Union talk influenced news media agendas" 537-541, 1989

    30 "Good intentions make bad news: Why Americans hate campaign journalism" Rowman & Littlefield 1995

    31 "Going negative: How political advertisements shrink and polarize the electorate." Free Press 1995

    32 "Filling in the tapestry: The second level of agenda setting." Lawrence Erlbaum 1997

    33 "Doing well and doing good: How soft news and critical journalism are shrinking the news audience and weakening democracy and what news outlets can do about it." Research Report for Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press 2000

    34 "Decision making in presidential primaries." Duke University Press 361-379, 1995

    35 "Contemporary strategy and agenda setting." Westview Press 47-61, 1995

    36 "Communication in the presidential primaries: Candidates in the media, 1912-2000." Praeger 2000

    37 "Communication and persuasion in presidential campaigns University of Chicago Press" 1991

    38 "Communication and democracy: Exploring the intellectual frontiers in agenda- setting theory." Lawrence Erlbaum 1997

    39 "Bias in the News:Network television coverage of the 1972 election campaign" Ohio State University Press 1976

    40 "Appeals and strategies of negative political advertising Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media" 415-427, 1988

    41 "An economic theory of democracy" Harper Collins 1957

    42 "Agenda setting: Laying the foundations of public opinion. In Polling America: An encyclopedia of public opinion."

    43 "Agenda setting." Sage 1996

    44 "Agenda building as a comparative political process" 126-138, 1976

    45 "A time series analysis of agenda-setting Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media" 437-448, 1994

    46 "A spot check: Casting doubt on the demobilizing effect of attack advertising." 42 : 573-595, 1998

    47 "A semi-independent press: Government control and journalistic autonomy in the political construction of news." 20 : 359-362, 2003

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