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    청의 조서(詔書) 반포 사신을 통해 본 조선의 지위 = The status of Joseon, examined through the Qing envoys who brought Imperial Ordinances

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    https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A99784044

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    다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

    Joseon was included in the Tribute-Investiture System(朝貢冊封) led by the Qing Dynasty. In such a relationship, two countries would exchange only official envoys. By analyzing the Qing envoys dispatched to Joseon would help us understand the basic structure of the Josoen-Qing relationship, as well as the changes it went through. Examined in this article are envoys who brought Imperial Ordinances. Imperial Ordinance(詔書) contained the emperor"s own words and became the most authoritative document in the Qing Dynasty. The object of the proclamation was the world, and through them we can see Qing"s view of the world, and its stance toward Joseon.
    ‘Josa(詔使)’ was dispatched to deliver the Imperial Ordinance, and such envoys occupied roughly 50% of the entire parties dispatched to Joseon until the 19th century. But Imperial Ordinances gradually began to be delivered to the Joseon envoys who came to Beijing(北京), in the 19th century. In the late 19th century, all of Imperial Ordinance except for Emperor"s accedence[登極] and last will [遺書] were sent in the form of Soonbu(順付). On the other hand, most of Imperial Ordinance spreaded by Qing was delivered to Joseon. In the Shunzhi(順治)∼Kangxi(康熙) era, about 80% of the whole Imperial Ordinances, except for Imperial Ordinances related to the Emperor"s incorrect politics, were dispatched by envoys. After the Qianlong(乾隆) era, most of the Imperial Ordinances, through envoys and soonbu, were delivered to Joseon. The phenomenon disproves that Qing located Joseon deeply in their concept of the world.
    The cases of Liuqiu(琉球) and Annan(安南), other tributary states of Qing, should be examined as well. Those two states had long relationships with Qing just like Joseon, but envoys to spread Imperial Ordinances were not dispatched to them at all. Qing only dispatched envoys for installation to these states. Then again, Qing Dynasty started to send some Imperial Ordinances to these two states in the form of soonbu, in the late 18th century. After the 19th century, Imperial Ordinances were delivered by regional ministers. When Imperial Ordinances delivered to Joseon came to be delivered in the form of soonbu, Imperial Ordinances were delivered to these two states as well.
    In the sector of the world where Qing Imperial Ordinances were spreaded, Joseon deeply embraced that status. In the Qing Dynasty period, Imperial Ordinance-spreading envoys were dispatched only to Joseon among other tributary states. It means that Joseon was a tributary state with a unique status, which enjoyed a double status. Joseon was a different case compared to other tributary states.
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    Joseon was included in the Tribute-Investiture System(朝貢冊封) led by the Qing Dynasty. In such a relationship, two countries would exchange only official envoys. By analyzing the Qing envoys dispatched to Joseon would help us understand the basi...

    Joseon was included in the Tribute-Investiture System(朝貢冊封) led by the Qing Dynasty. In such a relationship, two countries would exchange only official envoys. By analyzing the Qing envoys dispatched to Joseon would help us understand the basic structure of the Josoen-Qing relationship, as well as the changes it went through. Examined in this article are envoys who brought Imperial Ordinances. Imperial Ordinance(詔書) contained the emperor"s own words and became the most authoritative document in the Qing Dynasty. The object of the proclamation was the world, and through them we can see Qing"s view of the world, and its stance toward Joseon.
    ‘Josa(詔使)’ was dispatched to deliver the Imperial Ordinance, and such envoys occupied roughly 50% of the entire parties dispatched to Joseon until the 19th century. But Imperial Ordinances gradually began to be delivered to the Joseon envoys who came to Beijing(北京), in the 19th century. In the late 19th century, all of Imperial Ordinance except for Emperor"s accedence[登極] and last will [遺書] were sent in the form of Soonbu(順付). On the other hand, most of Imperial Ordinance spreaded by Qing was delivered to Joseon. In the Shunzhi(順治)∼Kangxi(康熙) era, about 80% of the whole Imperial Ordinances, except for Imperial Ordinances related to the Emperor"s incorrect politics, were dispatched by envoys. After the Qianlong(乾隆) era, most of the Imperial Ordinances, through envoys and soonbu, were delivered to Joseon. The phenomenon disproves that Qing located Joseon deeply in their concept of the world.
    The cases of Liuqiu(琉球) and Annan(安南), other tributary states of Qing, should be examined as well. Those two states had long relationships with Qing just like Joseon, but envoys to spread Imperial Ordinances were not dispatched to them at all. Qing only dispatched envoys for installation to these states. Then again, Qing Dynasty started to send some Imperial Ordinances to these two states in the form of soonbu, in the late 18th century. After the 19th century, Imperial Ordinances were delivered by regional ministers. When Imperial Ordinances delivered to Joseon came to be delivered in the form of soonbu, Imperial Ordinances were delivered to these two states as well.
    In the sector of the world where Qing Imperial Ordinances were spreaded, Joseon deeply embraced that status. In the Qing Dynasty period, Imperial Ordinance-spreading envoys were dispatched only to Joseon among other tributary states. It means that Joseon was a tributary state with a unique status, which enjoyed a double status. Joseon was a different case compared to other tributary states.

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    목차 (Table of Contents)

    • 머리말
    • 1. 청의 조서 반포와 ‘반조사’의 파견양상
    • 2. 조선에 반포된 조서의 내용과 특징
    • 3. 청대 조서 반포의 공간적 범위와 조선의 위치
    • 맺음말 : 청의 제국질서 속 조선의 지위
    • 머리말
    • 1. 청의 조서 반포와 ‘반조사’의 파견양상
    • 2. 조선에 반포된 조서의 내용과 특징
    • 3. 청대 조서 반포의 공간적 범위와 조선의 위치
    • 맺음말 : 청의 제국질서 속 조선의 지위
    • 참고문헌
    • Abstract
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    참고문헌 (Reference)

    1 裵燕生, "歷史文书" 人民大学出版社 2009

    2 계승범, "한중일 학계의 한중관계사 연구와 쟁점" 동북아역사재단 2009

    3 이화자, "한중국경사 연구" 혜안 2011

    4 구범진, "최후의 황제들: 청 황실의 사회사" 까치 2010

    5 구범진, "청나라, 키메라의 제국" 민음사 2012

    6 유장근, "중국의 청사공정 연구" 동북아역사재단 2008

    7 김형종, "중국의 청사 편찬과 청사 연구" 동북아역사재단 2010

    8 이석현, "중국 번속이론과 허상" 동북아역사재단 2010

    9 정은주, "조선시대 사행기록화" ㈜사회평론 2011

    10 한명기, "정묘��병자호란과 동아시아" 푸른역사 2009

    1 裵燕生, "歷史文书" 人民大学出版社 2009

    2 계승범, "한중일 학계의 한중관계사 연구와 쟁점" 동북아역사재단 2009

    3 이화자, "한중국경사 연구" 혜안 2011

    4 구범진, "최후의 황제들: 청 황실의 사회사" 까치 2010

    5 구범진, "청나라, 키메라의 제국" 민음사 2012

    6 유장근, "중국의 청사공정 연구" 동북아역사재단 2008

    7 김형종, "중국의 청사 편찬과 청사 연구" 동북아역사재단 2010

    8 이석현, "중국 번속이론과 허상" 동북아역사재단 2010

    9 정은주, "조선시대 사행기록화" ㈜사회평론 2011

    10 한명기, "정묘��병자호란과 동아시아" 푸른역사 2009

    11 차혜원, "유동적 역사공간: 근세 동아시아로의 접근" 역사문제연구소 (79) : 102-124, 2007

    12 김한규, "사조선록 역주 5" 소명출판 2012

    13 하워드 J. 웨슬러, "비단같고 주옥같은 정치" 고즈윈 2005

    14 박원호, "근대 이전 한중관계사에 대한 시각과 논점 -동아시아 국제질서의 이론을 덧붙여-" 40 : 2007

    15 구범진, "국역 동문휘고 강계사료" 동북아역사재단 2008

    16 丁春梅, "诏书在中琉两国交往中的地位和作用" 139 : 2006

    17 岩井茂樹, "清代の互市と“沈 外交”, In 中國東アジア外交交流史の硏究" 京都大學學術出版會 2007

    18 張爾田, "淸列朝后妃傳稿(上)" 綠櫻花館 1929

    19 구범진, "淸의 朝鮮使行 人選과 ‘大淸帝國體制’" 인문학연구원 (59) : 179-228, 2008

    20 張雙智, "淸朝外藩體制內的朝覲年班與朝貢制度" (3) : 2010

    21 張永江, "淸代藩部硏究 -以政治變遷爲中心" 黑龍江敎育出版社 2001

    22 孙宏年, "淸代中越宗藩关係硏究" 黑龙江敎育出版社 2006

    23 劉为, "淸代中朝使者往来硏究" 黑龙江敎育出版社 2002

    24 전해종, "淸代 韓中朝貢關係 綜考" 29 : 1966

    25 송미령, "淸 康熙帝 東巡의 목적과 의미" 명청사학회 (24) : 225-254, 2005

    26 김경록, "朝鮮後期 ?同文彙考?의 編纂過程과 性格" 조선시대사학회 (32) : 185-226, 2005

    27 김용흠, "朝鮮後期 政治史 硏究 Ⅰ" 혜안 2006

    28 李云泉, "朝贡制度史论" 新华出版社 2004

    29 夫馬進, "明淸中國による對朝鮮外交の鏡として對ベトナム外交-冊封問題と「問罪の師」を中心に, In グローバル化時代の人文學 -對話と寬容の知を求めて-" 京都大學學術出版會 2007

    30 李鸣鸣, "明代外交使臣出 制度考" 福建师范大学校 2007

    31 岩井茂樹, "明代中國の禮制覇權主義と東アジア秩序" 85 : 2005

    32 中村裕一, "唐代制書硏究" 汲古書院 1991

    33 김선민, "‘外國’과 ‘屬國’의 사이 ― 正史를 통해 본 청의 조선 인식 ―" 수선사학회 (41) : 65-100, 2012

    34 구범진, "19세기 전반 淸人의 朝鮮使行―柏준(1844년)과 花沙納(1845년)의 경우―" 수선사학회 (22) : 119-146, 2004

    35 홍성구, "18세기 중국의 조선인식 : 阿克敦의 朝鮮出使와 「東游集」·奉使圖 를 통해 본 朝淸關係, 그리고 그 시대적 특징, In 15~19세기 중국인의 조선인식" 고구려연구재단 2005

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