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      KCI등재

      麗ㆍ隋 力學關係와 戰爭의 樣相

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A100037043

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      Sui Wendi(隋文帝) had sent a message to the king of Koguryo(高句麗) which criticized them for not paying true respect to the emperor and at the same time he threatened them if this disrespect continues they will be punished by force. But to say ...

      Sui Wendi(隋文帝) had sent a message to the king of Koguryo(高句麗) which criticized them for not paying true respect to the emperor and at the same time he threatened them if this disrespect continues they will be punished by force. But to say that not paying true respect as a vassal was only a excuse for invasion and in fact, tension was growing earlier between the two states for control over surrounding tribes such as the Mohes(Malgals: 靺鞨) and Khitans(契丹). So already the mood of conflict was heightened and war was inevitable.
      The war between the two states seems to be started by a preemptive strike from the Koguryo but actually the massive assault from the Sui Empire that followed was prepared long before. It seems Sui Wendi evaluated Koguryo to be an easy foe so he believed that whenever they should attack they will overcome. Past days he had beaten the Turks(突闕) and Tuyuhun(吐谷渾), brought the Chen(陳) Dynasty to its end and unified China. Therefore he underestimated Koguryo by appointing an inexperienced general and the campaign was ill-prepared. The war was already lost before it was fought.
      Sui Yangdi(隋煬帝) had learnt from his father’s failure so he wanted sufficient preparation to gain an outstanding victory that will be a historical achievement which none other was successful having. Sui Yangdi’s invasion on Koguryo in C.E 612 was prepared from C.E 607, but we can say that in Yangdi’s mind it was thought of long before that. However the outcome of the well prepared invasion of Koguryo which the empire mobilized 11.3million men was a disastrous defeat and not only Sui Yangdi was murdered, the Sui Empire itself had collapsed to it’s end.
      It was true that Koguryo’s population was only one fifth of the Sui Empire’s and Sui Yangdi talking about “Koguryo’s population is lesser than our single county’s(Jun: 郡),” was not exaggerated, but the cost of losing to that small state was absolutely devastating. We can state that the tribes situated at the political boundaries of the two sides made a vital role on the dynamics between Koguryo and the Sui Empire. But despite all that, still Sui’s national power was much bigger than the total of Koguryo and it’s friendly neighbours. Sui had occupied the most fertile plains in the world of that time so their population was huge and their national wealth was plenty. On the other hand, Koguryo and it’s neighbours were located at barren grasslands or mountain areas so their men were few and they were poorly financed. Nevertheless the Sui Empire’s constant full scale invasions have all failed. This means that there were other factors that decided the regional dynamics in seventh century East Asia which cannot be explained only by comparing national powers of the two sides. The climate and natural characteristics of the lands were all important factors. Also when the Chinese had to assault the north they needed much workforce to carry their war supplies. However the defenders never needed such kind of workforce so they succeeded defending their territories with a relatively small army and a much weaker national power.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 緖論
      • Ⅰ. 6세기 말 東아시아의 政勢와 隋의 高句麗 침공 원인
      • Ⅱ. 隋와 高句麗의 國力과 전쟁의 樣相
      • 結論
      • 참고문헌
      • 緖論
      • Ⅰ. 6세기 말 東아시아의 政勢와 隋의 高句麗 침공 원인
      • Ⅱ. 隋와 高句麗의 國力과 전쟁의 樣相
      • 結論
      • 참고문헌
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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 이호영, "한국사 5" 국사편찬위원회 1996

      2 호리도시카즈, "중국과 고대 동아시아 세계-중화적 세계와 여러 민족들-" 동국대학교출판부 2012

      3 임기환, "전쟁과 동북아의 국제질서" 역사학회 2006

      4 이종욱, "고구려의 역사" 김영사 2005

      5 "魏書" 中華書局

      6 李玉, "高句麗의 인구" (창간) : 1997

      7 이성제, "高句麗의 西方政策 硏究" 국학자료원 2005

      8 조상현, "高句麗의 人口에 대한 시론" 28 : 2006

      9 이성제, "高句麗와 契丹의 關係-對隋ㆍ唐戰爭期 契丹의 動向과 그 意味" 5 :

      10 盧重國, "高句麗對外關係 硏究의 現況과 課題" 49 : 1985

      1 이호영, "한국사 5" 국사편찬위원회 1996

      2 호리도시카즈, "중국과 고대 동아시아 세계-중화적 세계와 여러 민족들-" 동국대학교출판부 2012

      3 임기환, "전쟁과 동북아의 국제질서" 역사학회 2006

      4 이종욱, "고구려의 역사" 김영사 2005

      5 "魏書" 中華書局

      6 李玉, "高句麗의 인구" (창간) : 1997

      7 이성제, "高句麗의 西方政策 硏究" 국학자료원 2005

      8 조상현, "高句麗의 人口에 대한 시론" 28 : 2006

      9 이성제, "高句麗와 契丹의 關係-對隋ㆍ唐戰爭期 契丹의 動向과 그 意味" 5 :

      10 盧重國, "高句麗對外關係 硏究의 現況과 課題" 49 : 1985

      11 金鍾完, "高句麗 正體性" 學硏出版社 2004

      12 末松保和, "靑丘史草" 1965

      13 "隋書" 中華書局

      14 윤용구, "隋唐의 對外政策과 高句麗 遠征-裴矩의 ‘郡縣回復論’을 중심으로-" 5 : 2005

      15 王小甫, "隋初與高句麗及東北諸民族關係試探-以高寶寧据營州爲中心" 盛唐時代與東北亞政局

      16 김선민, "隋 煬帝의 軍制改革과 高句麗遠征" 국학연구원 (119) : 139-193, 2003

      17 王小甫, "盛唐時代與東北亞政局" 上海辭書出版社 2003

      18 于賡哲, "盛唐時代與東北亞政局" 上海辭書出版社 2003

      19 "漢書" 中華書局

      20 日野開三郞, "東北アジア民族史(中)" 15 : 1991

      21 鬼頭淸明, "日本 古代國家의 形成과 東아시아" 1976

      22 西嶋定生, "岩波講座日本歷史 古代3" 2002

      23 林之奇, "尙書全解 四庫全書本"

      24 陳寅恪, "唐代政治史述論稿 下編" 商務印書館 1941

      25 李鼎祚, "周易集解 四庫全書本."

      26 胡瑗, "周易口義 四庫全書本"

      27 李龍範, "古代韓中關係史의 硏究" 三知院 1987

      28 정중환, "古代史上의 大陸關係-고구려를 중심으로-" 48 : 1968

      29 국사편찬위원회, "中國正史譯註"

      30 金鐸敏, "中國土地經濟史硏究" 고려대학교출판부 1998

      31 崔南善, "三國遺事"

      32 金澤榮, "三國史記"

      33 朴漢濟, "七世紀 隋唐 兩朝의 韓半島 進出 經緯에 대한 一考 --隋唐初 皇帝의 正統性 確保 問題와 關聯하여--" 43 : 1993

      34 陳經, "『陳氏尙書詳解』 四庫全書本"

      35 "『通典』 中華書局校點本"

      36 "『資治通鑑』 中華書局校點本"

      37 "『舊唐書』 中華書局校點本"

      38 "『新唐書』 中華書局校點本"

      39 "『尙書』 四庫全書本"

      40 "『周書』 中華書局校點本"

      41 "『北齊書』 中華書局校點本"

      42 "『北史』 中華書局校點本"

      43 "『冊府元龜』 中華書局本"

      44 Arthur F. Wright, "The Sui Dynasty" Alfred A, Knopf 1978

      45 David A. Graff, "Medieval Chinese Warfare, 300-900" Routledge 2002

      46 여호규, "6세기말 7세기초 동아시아의 국제질서와 고구려의 대외정책의 변화-대수관계를 중심으로" 48 : 2002

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      2023 평가예정 계속평가 신청대상 (등재유지)
      2018-01-01 평가 우수등재학술지 선정 (계속평가)
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      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 1.63 1.63 1.34
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
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