한국의 정당체계와 정치발전에 관한 연구 : 정당의 제도화를 중심으로 = (A) Study on the Political party system and political development in Korea : with Emphasis on the Institutionalization of the Political Parties

국문 초록 (Abstract)

지난 韓國政治史를 회고해 볼 때 그것은 政治的 無秩序와 不安定의 연속이었다. 論者는 政治的 安定속에 지속적으로 平和的 政治變動을, 즉 政治發展을 이룩하기 위해서는 무엇보다도 그 體制가 制度化 되어야, 한다고 생각하였다.
즉 政治發展의 槪念을 Huntington의 理論的 틀에서 도움을 받아, 政治的 制度化에서 그 意味를 찾았으며 그것은 곧 政治體制 制度化中에서 政黨體制의 制度化로 보았다. 政黨의 組織과 機能이 價値性을 가질때 즉 政黨의 制度化가 이루어질 때 政治發展을 이룩할 수 있다.
헌팅톤은 政黨體系의 發展段階를 分派的 段階, 兩極化 段階, 擴張段階, 制度化 段階로 분류하였고, 個別 政黨組織의 制度化 水準은 適應性 - 硬直性, 複合性 - 單純性, 自律性 - 從屬性, 結合性 - 分裂性의 程度에 의하여 평가하였다.
本 論文에서는 이러한 헌팅톤의 制度化 理論의 槪念群을 가지고 第5共和國下 執權與黨과 第1野黨을 分析하였다. 分析結果 韓國政黨의 制度化를 沮害하는 要因으로서 政治文化的 要因, 政治體制의 危機構造要因, 政治制度要因을 고찰하여 그 克服方案을 提示하였다.
첫째, 權威主義的인 政治文化를 克服하기 위해서는 엘리트 文化的인 측면에서 執權者가 民主政治에 대한 民主的 意志를 가져야 하고, 民主的 政治充員과 國民의 政治意識 水準을 높여야 한다.
둘째, 政治體制의 危機構造를 克服하기 위해서는 體制의 民主化와 進步的 政黨이 확립되어야 한다.
세째, 政治制度面에서의 저해요인을 극복하기 위해서는 政黨公薦制, 比例代表制 등 國會議員選擧制度의 改善과 間接選擧에 의한 大統領 選擧制度의 制度的 改善이 있어야 한다.
이상에서 고찰한 몇가지 방안이 韓國政黨體系의 制度化를 이룰 수 있는 方案이 아닌가 생각된다. 그러나 무엇보다도 政黨體系의 制度化를 통한 政治發展은 政治過程의 活性化와 앞으로 다가올 88年 政權交替가, 政黨의 擴張段階에서 과거와 같은 폭력에 의한 政治變動이 아닌 平和的인 方法에 의해 이루어질때 가능하리라 본다.

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

The principal concern of this study is to examine the level of institutionalization on the ruling Democratic Justice Party (DJP) and the New Democratic party (NDP) under the fifth Republic. Its another purpose is to find out the inhibiting factors for the institutionalization of the above two parties.
The criteria developed by Samuel Huntington were used to evaluate the level of the institutionalization. Huntington suggests the four criteria: adaptability-rigidity, autonomy-subordination, complexity-simplicity, and coherence-disunity. He also divides the processes of party development into four stages: factionalism, polarization, expansion, and institutionalization.
Adaptability-Rigidity. It is not proper at the present time to assess the chronological and generational adaptability of the DJP due to the short periods of its existence. In terms of the functional adaptability, the DJP is relatively low mainly because of its authoritarian party structure. The NOP has a relatively high chronological and generational adaptability because it has been continuing to exist since its establishment. The functional adatability, however, is low because of its main character as the cadre party.
complexity-Simplicity. the DJP has a relatively high level of complexity since it has structurally well differentiated central and local party organizations. However, it is difficult to expect an organizational effectiveness because of its highly authoritarian decision-making structure. Although the formal structure of the NDP is functionally well differentiated, it is a cadre party which only functions during the election times.
Autonomy-Subordination. Since the DJP and the NDP are not ideological or class-based parties, they are relatively autonomous from the social groups and classes. However, the DJP is highly subordinate to the President. The NDP is also highly influenced by Kim Dae Jung and anti-government groups.
Coherence-Disunity. The factional struggles in the DJP are relatively weak due to the authoritarian control from above. Since the NDP is a coalition of factions, the factional struggles are intense, thus reducing the unity of the party.
All things considered, therefore, despite the fact that the DJP shows the mass party character because of its organizational expansion, its level of institutionalization can not be considered high. On the other hand, since the NDP is a cadre party, its institutionalization is much lower than the DJP's.
With regard to the processes of party development, the last parliamentary elections enabled the party system to enter into the expansion stage. If peaceful regime change is achieved in 1988, the party system will enter into an institutional stage.
The factors that prevent the institutionalization of the two parties are political cultures, the chronic Iegitimacy crisis of the political system, and electoral system. In order for the parties to be institutionalized, both political culture and electoral system should be modified. In addition, the democratization of the political system is needed.
More than anything else, political development by the institutionalization of the political party system can be achieved through the peaceful regime change in 1988.

목차 (Table of Contents)

• 목차
• 國文要約 = iv
• 第I章 序論 = 1
• 第1節 硏究目的 = 1
• 第2節 硏究의 方法 및 範圍 = 3
• 第II章 政黨과 政治發展에 관한 理論的 背景 = 5
• 第1節 政治發展과 政黨의 制度化 = 5
• 第1項 政治發展의 意味 = 5
• 第2項 政治發展과 政黨의 制度化 = 14
• 第2節 政黨의 制度化의 槪念 및 變數 = 17
• 第1項 政黨制度化의 4가지 變數 = 18
• 第2項 政黨의 發展段階 = 21
• 第III章 第三·四共和國 政黨의 制度化 失敗 = 28
• 第1節 第三共和國 政黨의 制度化 過程 = 28
• 第2節 第四共和國 政黨의 制度化 過程 = 32
• 第IV章 第五共和國下 政黨의 制度化 過程 分析 = 37
• 第1節 制度化 水準 評價 = 39
• 第1項 適應性 - 硬直性의 側面 = 39
• 第2項 複合性 - 單純性의 側面 = 45
• 第3項 自律性 - 從屬性의 側面 = 57
• 第4項 結合性 - 分裂性의 側面 = 63
• 第2節 政黨體系의 制度化 過程 = 68
• 第1項 政黨體系의 制度化 過程 : 第 1 期 = 68
• 第2項 政黨體系의 制度化 過程 : 第 2 期 = 74
• 第V章 政黨의 制度化 沮害要因 克服方案 = 79
• 第1節 政治文化面 = 80
• 第2節 政治體制의 危機構造面 = 90
• 第3節 政治制度面 = 96
• 第VI章 結論 = 102
• 參考文獻 = 107
• 英文抄錄 = 119