This study examines the nationwide teachers’ rallies that unfolded in South Korea in 2023 by applying an integrated analytical framework combining the Political Process Model and Framing Theory. The purpose of the study is to investigate the structu...
This study examines the nationwide teachers’ rallies that unfolded in South Korea in 2023 by applying an integrated analytical framework combining the Political Process Model and Framing Theory. The purpose of the study is to investigate the structural conditions within the educational administration system that made the rallies possible, and to analyze how the perceptions, action strategies, and post-mobilization trajectories of elementary school teachers were formed, transformed, and differentiated throughout and after the collective action process. While prior studies on teachers’ collective action have tended to focus on emotional motivations, ethical suffering, or individual-level meaning-making, this study foregrounds the structural contradictions embedded in educational governance, the failure of institutional response mechanisms, and the generational sensibilities that mediated teachers’ strategic practices. Through this approach, the 2023 teachers’ rallies are reinterpreted not as a temporary or emotional reaction by an interest group, but as a complex social movement produced through the interaction of accumulated structural pressures, cognitive transformation, and collective action.
The empirical focus of this study is based on in-depth interviews with 40 elementary school teachers who participated in the 2023 rallies at least once in person. Among them, 30 teachers in their 20s and 30s were selected as the core analytical group, while 10 teachers aged 40 and above were included as a comparison group to examine generational differences. Data collection relied primarily on semi-structured interviews and was complemented by documentary analysis of rally speeches, statements, press releases, and online postings. The data were analyzed using the Modified Grounded Theory Approach (M-GTA) developed by Kinoshita (2013), following systematic procedures of concept generation, categorization, and theoretical integration. Triangulation across interview and documentary sources was employed to enhance the credibility and validity of the findings.
The findings indicate that the 2023 teachers’ rallies did not emerge as a direct or spontaneous response to a single tragic incident. Rather, they were the outcome of long-term structural contradictions that had accumulated within school organizations. Teachers recognized that certain problems had become systemic, beyond the capacity of individual teachers or schools to solve. These problems included the erosion of instructional authority, excessive administrative burdens, the formalization of student guidance through legal regulations, and the rise of malicious parental complaints. Teachers worked within an educational system marked by political restrictions on expression and limited bottom-up communication channels. Under these conditions, they increasingly concluded that formal institutional procedures were ineffective. Consequently, teachers came to see collective action beyond formal institutions as a rational and legitimate course.
From the perspective of the Political Process Model, the death of a teacher at Seoi Elementary School in Seoul became a nationally significant event that exposed latent structural pressures and opened a political window of opportunity. The study further shows that institutional repression faced by teachers—stemming from legal constraints on political rights—did not simply suppress mobilization. Rather, these constraints acted as a reverse political opportunity structure, in which the closure of formal channels paradoxically legitimized extra-institutional collective action. This process fostered cognitive liberation, allowing teachers to see themselves not as passive implementers of administrative directives, but as agents capable of collective intervention.
Framing analysis demonstrates that teachers strategically constructed diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames to organize shared meanings and justify participation. Teachers diagnosed their situation as a systemic failure rather than individual inadequacy, articulated legal and institutional reforms as concrete solutions, and framed participation in the rallies as an ethical and professional responsibility. Notably, teachers emphasized a non-political practice frame that defined the rallies as an effort to protect educational integrity and students’ learning rights rather than as political protest. This framing strategy allowed teachers to navigate political neutrality regulations while securing broad social legitimacy by aligning their claims with widely shared public values.
In terms of mobilization mechanisms, teachers in their 20s and 30s exhibited organizational practices that differed markedly from traditional union-centered mobilization. Rather than relying on hierarchical leadership or formal organizational directives, they formed decentralized and role-based networks through digital platforms such as ‘Indichool’ (a Korean online community for elementary school teachers), social media, and anonymous public group chats on messaging platforms. These digital networks enabled rapid information sharing, anonymous participation, and horizontal collaboration across schools and regions. Shared emotions of grief, anger, and moral responsibility functioned as emotional resources that strengthened collective cohesion and sustained participation over time.
Post-rally experiences, however, did not follow a single linear trajectory. While some teachers expanded their participation into institutional channels—such as policy proposal activities, public hearings, engagement with education offices, or union involvement—others adopted selective participation strategies, maintained distance from organizational politics, or gradually withdrew due to fatigue, internal conflicts, and the slow pace of institutional change. Still others remained largely non-engaged, recognizing structural problems but failing to perceive tangible effects in their immediate school contexts. These findings demonstrate that teachers’ political subjectivity after the rallies became differentiated into multiple pathways—expansion, selective maintenance, distancing, and disengagement—shaped by organizational culture, policy implementation capacity, and relational dynamics within the teaching profession.
Based on these findings, the study offers several academic and policy implications. Academically, it contributes to educational administration research by empirically demonstrating that teachers’ collective action should be understood as the result of structural pressures and policy failure rather than as emotional or episodic resistance. It highlights generational sensibilities, digital networking, and horizontal collaboration as key mediating factors in contemporary teachers’ movements, and illuminates the structural tension between political neutrality norms and teachers’ civic agency. From a policy perspective, the study underscores the necessity of institutionalizing teacher participation in educational governance, reforming administrative structures that shift risk and responsibility onto individual teachers, and reconsidering legal frameworks governing teachers’ political rights in order to establish structural protections that mitigate burnout and sustain professional engagement.
In conclusion, this study conceptualizes the 2023 teachers’ rallies as a complex social movement shaped by the intersection of structural contradictions, generational sensibilities, and strategic framing processes. The findings demonstrate that teachers’ collective action served as a critical mechanism for exposing the limitations of the educational administration system and for advancing debates on institutional reform. Future educational governance must incorporate teachers’ agency and collective practices not as external disruptions, but as integral components of a democratic, responsive, and sustainable administrative system.