Although the annual influx of North Korean defectors into South Korea has witnessed a decline in recent years, the cumulative number of arrivals continues to rise steadily. North Korean defectors opt to leave their homeland in pursuit of an enhanced q...
Although the annual influx of North Korean defectors into South Korea has witnessed a decline in recent years, the cumulative number of arrivals continues to rise steadily. North Korean defectors opt to leave their homeland in pursuit of an enhanced quality of life, motivated by aspirations for economic and educational advancements, the quest for liberty, and the prospect of family reunification. Their subsequent decision to settle in South Korea is underpinned by the constitutional entitlement to citizenship, the provision of institutional resettlement support, and the inherent linguistic and ethnic similarities between the two nations.
Even as positive shifts in the settlement of North Korean defectors are becoming evident – characterised by improved economic indicators, successful entrepreneurship, and the exercise of community leadership – grave issues persist. High suicide rates, tragic fatalities due to starvation, and instances of sham asylum-seeking abroad or re-defection serve as stark indicators that social isolation and the profound challenges of fostering a sense of community belonging remain unresolved within South Korean society. Such circumstances underscore the necessity of moving beyond conventional institution-led resettlement support, highlighting the urgent need to re-evaluate the salience of social connections forged within the fabric of everyday life.
While the socio-cultural contexts of the residential environments of North Korean defectors undergo significant transformation through the processes of defection and entry into South Korea, their life experiences are characterised by continuity rather than rupture. Consequently, the social connections of North Korean defectors should be understood as a process in which the social infrastructure and modes of connection formation experienced in the North are reconfigured within South Korean society. Existing literature, however, has tended to treat social connections in the North and the South as discrete entities, or has remained limited to analysing their functions primarily in terms of social support. There is a relative dearth of research that provides an integrated analysis of social connections across both Koreas, particularly in exploring social infrastructure as the spatial and organisational foundation upon which such connections are forged and sustained. Given that the organisational principles and operational mechanisms of social infrastructure differ fundamentally between the North and the South, an exclusive focus on social connections within the South Korean context risks not only constraining a holistic understanding but also reducing the complexities of connection formation to mere issues of individual maladaptation.
Against this backdrop, this study aims to comparatively investigate the interplay between social connections and their underpinning social infrastructure as experienced by North Korean defectors across both the North and South. Furthermore, it seeks to elucidate how the experiences of social connectivity across both North and South Korea influence the process of community settlement within South Korean society.
Social infrastructure is conceptualised as the physical places and organisations that shape social interaction, while social connections are scrutinised based on the groups with which ties are formed, the strength of those ties, and their functional benefits, such as social support. Community settlement is examined through the dual lenses of a sense of community and psychological adaptation. Methodologically, this study employs a mixed-methods approach, primarily grounded in qualitative inquiry and supplemented by quantitative analysis.
Initially, social connections in the North are forged through mandatory and obligatory activities imposed by assigned organisations and the Inminban (People’s Cell, a basic social group composed of 20-40 households); through these mechanisms, ‘basic ties’ among residents are structurally established. These social connections are sustained and reinforced through daily interactions in communal spaces, such as Dongnae-madang (neighbourhood yards), and collective engagements like athletic meets; intimate ties, in particular, are perpetuated through the shared use of everyday locales, including residences and sports facilities. In the North, social connectivity functions as a form of social capital that compensates for the fragile economic base, while simultaneously serving to alleviate social tensions within an environment where surveillance and control are routinised. However, the risk of denunciation arising from mutual surveillance persists even within intimate circles; thus social connections in the North possess a dualistic nature, where intimacy and vigilance coexist.
Regarding the experiences of social connectivity in South Korea, North Korean defectors tend to forge social links through the mediation of organisations, reflecting a pattern similar to their experiences in the North. Local organisations facilitate the formation of strong ties through the periodic activities of a relatively stable membership. In contrast, defector-led social groups tend to foster relatively weak ties, yet they serve a crucial function in alleviating loneliness and acculturative stress through shared cultural backgrounds. The formation of relationships via everyday contact necessitates a prerequisite process of establishing familiarity and mutual understanding through repetitive encounters. In terms of intimate relations, interactions are sustained within everyday spaces such as private residences, parks, and walking trails. Notably, the home remains a pivotal space for social exchange in the South; the practice of spending time together and sharing meals demonstrates a continuity of social connection patterns previously experienced in the North.
Experiences of social connectivity in the North exert a significant influence on the desires and modalities of social connection within the South. Like their experiences in the North, North Korean defectors tend to re-establish ‘basic ties’ through formal organisations and manifest a profound longing for ‘family-like relationships’ characterised by the sharing of everyday life. Whilst their migratory experience serves as a catalyst for expanding the scope of community beyond their immediate residential areas to include organisations across diverse regions, a dearth of information regarding social infrastructure and the absence of ‘social connectors’ result in disparities in social connectivity. Furthermore, their perceptions of South Korea as a highly individualistic society, concerns regarding discrimination against their children, and a social environment where personal backgrounds remain opaque act as significant constraints, leading to hesitation in forging new social connections.
In examining the sense of community and psychological adaptation of North Korean defectors, a tendency emerges where they foster a sense of belonging through active participation in various organisations or by establishing their own groups.
This suggests that their experiences in the North—where identity and presence were historically validated within collective groups— continue to exert an influence within the South Korean context. The observation that their membership is lower than that experienced in the North reflects a dual phenomenon: the presence of social isolation, characterised by a failure to integrate into the local community, alongside the emergence of relational communities that transcend geographical boundaries. Conversely, the relatively high levels of shared emotional connection indicate that communities based on individual agency and choice contribute significantly to enhancing emotional satisfaction. In terms of psychological adaptation, intimate relationships that facilitate daily interaction play a pivotal role in promoting subjective well-being and alleviating acculturative stress and anxiety, whilst involvement in voluntary organisations is found to bolster self-esteem.
These findings suggest that the mechanisms of fostering belonging and presence through organisations, alongside the cultivation of intimacy and stress reduction via everyday exchanges experienced in the North, are being reconfigured within South Korean society to influence community settlement. On the other hand, factors such as excessive attention or shifts in social atmosphere following the disclosure of their North Korean origin, as well as the tendency to generalise individual deviations as collective traits, act as significant impediments to their sense of belonging and self-esteem.
Synthesising the analytical results, the experience of mandatory organisational life in the North serves as a significant ‘anchor’ in perceiving and forging social links within the voluntary and unstructured connectivity environments of the South. For North Korean defectors, social infrastructure is redefined primarily around formal organisations and their associated activities rather than through informal personal networks. As the structurally imposed connectivity of the North transitions into connections based on individual choice and spontaneity in the South, defectors either emerge as proactive agents of social formation or, conversely, experience a vacuum in social connectivity amidst the burden of independently reconfiguring their own networks. This disparity is further exacerbated by a dearth of information regarding social infrastructure and the absence of ‘social connectors’ who facilitate the mediation of relationship formation.
Community settlement hinges less on the quantity of social connections than on their inherent quality; specifically, organisational activities that provide an identity as a member, alongside intimate relations allowing for daily interaction, play a critical role in fostering a sense of community and psychological adaptation. Notably, social connections predicated upon voluntary choice and participation transform the passive mutual influence experienced in the North into active social self-efficacy and a sense of achievement, thereby enhancing shared emotional connection and relationship satisfaction. However, social connectivity is not merely a product of individual effort but is constrained by structural conditions, such as a highly individualistic social milieu, the potential for discrimination, and the burden associated with disclosing one’s identity as a defector – all of which act as impediments to a sense of community and psychological adaptation.
This study contributes to the academic discourse by recalibrating the focus of North Korean defector research – moving beyond a narrow emphasis on South Korean adaptation to explore the continuity and expansion of social experiences across the two Koreas. In doing so, it establishes social infrastructure as a critical point of departure for understanding the mechanisms of social connectivity. Furthermore, it asserts the necessity of redefining the concept of social infrastructure and interpreting it within its broader structural context.
The findings of this study offer several key policy considerations for enhancing the resettlement process. First, a policy approach grounded in social connectivity is required to facilitate the community settlement of North Korean defectors. Second, as the social connections formed in the South exhibit a degree of continuity with the modes of connection experienced in the North, social infrastructure support must account for their preferences and familiar patterns of interaction. Third, it is necessary to supplement the ‘basic ties’ – formerly provided by the Inminban and organisational life in the North – through community-based networks within South Korean local society. Fourth, policy efforts should encourage participation in diverse local voluntary organisations and engagement platforms, providing opportunities for defectors to gain social self-efficacy and a sense of achievement through civic contribution; such initiatives aim to bolster their sense of belonging and self-esteem by transitioning them from passive beneficiaries to active contributors.