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      ‘버리-’(棄)의 방언형과 분포 = The dialect forms and regional distribution of ‘pəri-’ in Korean

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A109298958

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      The aim of this paper is to explore the various dialects forms and clear regional distribution of the verb ‘pəri-’ in Korean. In the common Korean, the verb ‘pə ri-’ functions as a main verb and a auxiliary verb, also. So, the discussion of this paper will be devide into the two parts; main verb 'pəri-' and the auxiliary verb ‘pəri-’.
      The dialect forms of main verb ‘pəri-’ have two major types: ‘pəri-’ and ‘pə ri-’. The common present verb ‘pəri-’ corresponds with the ‘pəri-’(리-) in the middle Korean. The dialect form ‘pəri-’ was formed through the diachronic change of ‘Λ>a’, the famous second step change of ‘Λ’. The area of the form is sporadic over the whole Korean. And the dialect form type of ‘pəri-’ was formed through the diachronic change of ‘Λ>ə’, the last stage change of ‘Λ’. The distribution of this dialect forms is common over the whole region in Korea.
      The dialect forms of auxiliary verb ‘pəri-’ have three major type: ‘pəri-’, ‘pə ri-’, and ‘pəri-’. In the type of ‘pəri-’, there are ‘pəri-, p’əri-, pəl-’. The distributional range of this type is the most vast. The dialect form ‘p’əri-’ is the result of diachronic fortition of ‘pəri-’. The form ‘pəl-’ has defective conjugational paradigm. It can occur only when it combines the endings which starts with the vocalic sounds.
      The second type ‘piri-’ was formed through some series of diachronic changes, the Umlaut and vowel raising(e>i) from ‘pəri-’. It’s distributional range is almost limited within the boundary of Gyeongsangnam-do.
      The last type ‘puri-’ was formed through some series of diachronic changes, the ‘ə>i’, a kind of vowel raising in the non-word initial position, and vowel rounding from ‘pəri-’. The distributional range of this type is, roughly, within the suthern area of Korea, including the Jeju-do. There are some dialects forms in this type; ‘puri-, p’uri-, pul-, p’ul-, p’u-’. Especially, the regional range of the form ‘pul-’ is limited within the Jeollanam-do, and the range of ‘p’u-’ is limited within the Gyeongsang-do. All of this forms have the perfect synchronic conjugational paradigm.
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      The aim of this paper is to explore the various dialects forms and clear regional distribution of the verb ‘pəri-’ in Korean. In the common Korean, the verb ‘pə ri-’ functions as a main verb and a auxiliary verb, also. So, the discussion of ...

      The aim of this paper is to explore the various dialects forms and clear regional distribution of the verb ‘pəri-’ in Korean. In the common Korean, the verb ‘pə ri-’ functions as a main verb and a auxiliary verb, also. So, the discussion of this paper will be devide into the two parts; main verb 'pəri-' and the auxiliary verb ‘pəri-’.
      The dialect forms of main verb ‘pəri-’ have two major types: ‘pəri-’ and ‘pə ri-’. The common present verb ‘pəri-’ corresponds with the ‘pəri-’(리-) in the middle Korean. The dialect form ‘pəri-’ was formed through the diachronic change of ‘Λ>a’, the famous second step change of ‘Λ’. The area of the form is sporadic over the whole Korean. And the dialect form type of ‘pəri-’ was formed through the diachronic change of ‘Λ>ə’, the last stage change of ‘Λ’. The distribution of this dialect forms is common over the whole region in Korea.
      The dialect forms of auxiliary verb ‘pəri-’ have three major type: ‘pəri-’, ‘pə ri-’, and ‘pəri-’. In the type of ‘pəri-’, there are ‘pəri-, p’əri-, pəl-’. The distributional range of this type is the most vast. The dialect form ‘p’əri-’ is the result of diachronic fortition of ‘pəri-’. The form ‘pəl-’ has defective conjugational paradigm. It can occur only when it combines the endings which starts with the vocalic sounds.
      The second type ‘piri-’ was formed through some series of diachronic changes, the Umlaut and vowel raising(e>i) from ‘pəri-’. It’s distributional range is almost limited within the boundary of Gyeongsangnam-do.
      The last type ‘puri-’ was formed through some series of diachronic changes, the ‘ə>i’, a kind of vowel raising in the non-word initial position, and vowel rounding from ‘pəri-’. The distributional range of this type is, roughly, within the suthern area of Korea, including the Jeju-do. There are some dialects forms in this type; ‘puri-, p’uri-, pul-, p’ul-, p’u-’. Especially, the regional range of the form ‘pul-’ is limited within the Jeollanam-do, and the range of ‘p’u-’ is limited within the Gyeongsang-do. All of this forms have the perfect synchronic conjugational paradigm.

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