Licensing and Default Implication of Korean [lat] in OT

다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

In this paper, we show that different surface forms realized from underlying /l/ are positional variables which crucially depend on syllable structure. We will first demonstrate that [lateral] must be "non-crisply" right aligned with a syllable in the sense of Ito^, Mester & Padgett (1994), as argued in Hong (1997a). However, we will further show that Alignment (Hong 1997a) and Syllable Contact (Davis & Shin 1997) are not enough for successful analysis of Nasal Lateralization in /nl/ and /ln/. For successful analysis, we stick to "non-crisp" Alignment constraint for [lateral] as in Hong (1997a), but we introduce the notion of Default implication in Optimality Theory. Ito^, Mester and Padgett (1995) explain Voicing in Japanese NC clusters by implementing Licensing and Redundancy of the feature [voice] in OT. This paper demonstrates that a similar effect can be achieved in the analysis of Korean Nasal Lateralization by implementing a Licensing and Default implication of [lateral].