In classifying Korean private nobi into resident nobi and outside-resident nobi, the criterion should be place of registry rather than place of actual residence. Those nobi registered in masters household registers were resident nobi, no matter where ...
In classifying Korean private nobi into resident nobi and outside-resident nobi, the criterion should be place of registry rather than place of actual residence. Those nobi registered in masters household registers were resident nobi, no matter where they lived. Then, those nobi left outside masters household registers were outside-resident nobi.
The Chosun government classified private nobi into resident nobi and outside-resident nobi in order to distinguish those nobi subject to household tax from those exempted from that tax. Resident nobi were exempted from household tax, because they did not make up independent households. Meanwhile, those outside-resident nobi making up independent households were subject to household tax, in principle. Thus, the distinction between resident nobi and outside-resident nobi was created by the state for the purpose of household taxation on one segment of private nobi.
With respect to outside-resident nobi, they were private persons belonged to their masters, but, at the same time they were public persons paying tax to the state. Therefore, in defining the socio-economic nature of Korean private nobi, it is necessary to consider their relation to the state as well, besides their relation to the masters. It should be kept in mind that nobi could perform public obligation, when illustrating the socio-economic nature of Korean private nobi. The public functions of Korean private nobi in late Chosun challenges the definition of their being either slaves or serfs, as known in the Western history. Slaves and serfs in the Western history were confined to doing private duties imposed by nobles or feudal lords, whereas Korean outside-resident nobi did perform public functions imposed by the state.