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      高麗時代農民의 社會經濟的 性格에 관한 硏究 = A Study on the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Peasants in Koryo Dynasty(918-1302)

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      A history may be divided in to many epochs. It means that we should understand a history as evolutionary one. In Korean socio-economic history, however, there are many divergent opinions even to the socio-economic conditions of the peasant in Koryo Dynasty. Some scholar claim that the peasant is not feudalistic but antiquity, and some other claim adversely.
      The reason why there are so many opinions about the socio-economic conditions of the peasans of that period is following. First, there is no general theory of socio-economic history all over the world. Second, until now the socio-economic historians used only the frame work of the history of Western Europe. Third, there is no frame of reference to divide a history into many epochs. Last, there are many different interpretation of the historical materials.
      The process of the socio-economic development in any country, I think, would be very different according to the geographical conditions, the relations between neighboring countries, and the character of the people. Therefore, we must consider the circumstances of the socio-economic history of the specific country, and then should deduct the category of socio-economic history from each country in comparing with other countries. By doing so, we can induce a theory of the socio-economic history.
      We should establish the correct concept of socio-economic history, particularly feudalism. By the results of studing Western European history, feudalism and manorial system is very different from each other. "Though an essential element in feudal society, the manor was in itself an older institution, and was destined to last much longer. In the interests of sound terminology it is important that two ideas should be kept clearly separate." In socio-economic history, essential element is manorial system. In manorial system the landlords exploited peasants by feudalistic land tenure, but the peasants also had the rights of holding their land.
      Historically the process of production would be evolved as following: primitive production by common work, individualistic production of each peasant's household, and large scale production of capitalistic society. According to above the process the land tenure would be changed. As we see, in feudalistic society land system has dual character. So we should have two different view on the land system. One is the view of the possession by self-working, other is the view of alienated worker. In historical perspective, the land possession by self-working had been developed by rejecting the feudalistic land system.
      The socio-economic conditions of peasants has been regulated many aspects, for example, land tenure, social status and the organization of agricultural production.
      In the middle period of Koryo dynasty, the land system called 'chon-shikoa' began to collapse. So the scop of this thesis is limited to early Koryo Dinasty.
      In chapter Ⅱ, I have viewed the preceding works on the socio-economic conditions of the peasants in Koryo dynasty and made a criticism on them.
      In chapterⅢ, the study on the socio-economic conditions of the common peasants has been made; in positive aspects it is necessary to appreciate completely the concept chong(丁) for understanding the socio-economic history of Koryo dinasty. 'Chong' means not only an adult man but an established area of arable land or arable land itself. And it an essential element to understand the chong on which socio-economic and military institutions have been established. From a comparative view of socio-economic, 'chong' is similar to 'virgate' or 'Hufe' which is a typical holding of villein mediaval society of Europe.
      The state had given a typical household of common peasants one 'chong', that is, an established area of arable land,
      Full 'chong' was seventeen kyol which is equal to about thirty acres. Comparing with about two acres of average landholding of present peasant, full 'chong' is too large to think it as a typical holding of common peasants in Koryo dynasty. At that fimne, the method of the land use was different from present one. On account fo the lack of manure the land should be followed in one year or two yeas for the recovery of land fertility. It is similar to the medieval western Europe in which the use of land was three field system. However, it is important for us recognize the fact that the fallow of land is not to mean simply to dispose land in natural state. The peasants should reserve the land in culture for recovery of land fertility. Also the land productivity was much lower than the present, about three times, On the other hand the labor productivity was very very lower than the present, about nine times. And natural catastrophe was very severe. In such situation, the paternal extended family system and village community could secure the living and production of the peasants. And then the dynasty had utilized both systems mentioned above for collecting feudal land tax. But the unit of agricultural production was the paterna extended family. Therefore the nature of productive process is individualistic one.
      In Koryo dinasty a common peasant, 'chongho' was received 'min-chon', 'folk land', from the state on the condition of the contribution of some services and land tax. 'min-chon' was called otherwise 'kong-chon', 'public Land', but in fact the cultivator of 'min-chon' is a peasant proprietor. They were the fundamental elements of Koryo dinasty. However, all the peasants were not 'chong-ho'. Some of them were 'baek-chong' who were not received 'min-chon'. They can hold of arable land by eclaiming waste land. Some of them were sharecroppers of 'sa-chon' which have been given the nobility. They also had to contribute a labour services to the state.
      In chapterⅣ, the socio-economic conditions of specific peasants of early Koryo dinasty has been studied, thhre were 'no-bee' who were slave in social status. Especially the administrative districts were divided according to the social status. Therefore there were many titles of districts, for example, 'chu', 'gun', 'hyn', hyang', 'so', 'bookok' 'cheo' 'and' 'chang'. Among them 'chu', 'gun', and 'hun' were common administrative districts. 'So' was the region of the handicraftmen who had to contribute their products to the ruler of them.
      'Bookok' and 'hyand' were humble districts in social status. Their origin was the penalty of the rebellion by someone of the administartive districts. It is supposed that the men of that district were not mobilized as soldier, so that their labor services to the state was very severe. Of course the peasants of 'bookok' had to pay land tax. 'Cheo' and 'chang' wete similar to the manor in medeval Europe, and they were subijected to king' a palace, Buddhistic temples, and nobility. The peasants of them had to contribute land tax, labor services and other contributions.
      As said above, here were so many different social status in the peasants, but in socio-economic aspects we can find a common factor which is essential in feudalistic society. In feudal society, the landlords exploited a direcr producer through the possession of land and by non-economic power, that is, a feudalistic land system.
      The reason why Koryo dynasty had divided the country into the minor administrative districts according to the social status is that the dynasty aims to govern the people seperately for efficient administration purpose. Similar phenomenon were in Japanese premodern society.
      In historical perspective, the increase of land productivity and labor productivity through the change of the method of land use, the paterial extended family system had transformed to the nuclear family system, and the village community had been changed in the nature.
      In the Reform of Land at the end of Koryo dynasty and the beginning of Lee dynasty, the private land property had been settled by the growth of peasant proprietorship.
      In short, from the middle period of Koryo dynasty the state feudalistic society had changing to the private feudalistic society.

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      A history may be divided in to many epochs. It means that we should understand a history as evolutionary one. In Korean socio-economic history, however, there are many divergent opinions even to the socio-economic conditions of the peasant in Koryo Dy...

      A history may be divided in to many epochs. It means that we should understand a history as evolutionary one. In Korean socio-economic history, however, there are many divergent opinions even to the socio-economic conditions of the peasant in Koryo Dynasty. Some scholar claim that the peasant is not feudalistic but antiquity, and some other claim adversely.
      The reason why there are so many opinions about the socio-economic conditions of the peasans of that period is following. First, there is no general theory of socio-economic history all over the world. Second, until now the socio-economic historians used only the frame work of the history of Western Europe. Third, there is no frame of reference to divide a history into many epochs. Last, there are many different interpretation of the historical materials.
      The process of the socio-economic development in any country, I think, would be very different according to the geographical conditions, the relations between neighboring countries, and the character of the people. Therefore, we must consider the circumstances of the socio-economic history of the specific country, and then should deduct the category of socio-economic history from each country in comparing with other countries. By doing so, we can induce a theory of the socio-economic history.
      We should establish the correct concept of socio-economic history, particularly feudalism. By the results of studing Western European history, feudalism and manorial system is very different from each other. "Though an essential element in feudal society, the manor was in itself an older institution, and was destined to last much longer. In the interests of sound terminology it is important that two ideas should be kept clearly separate." In socio-economic history, essential element is manorial system. In manorial system the landlords exploited peasants by feudalistic land tenure, but the peasants also had the rights of holding their land.
      Historically the process of production would be evolved as following: primitive production by common work, individualistic production of each peasant's household, and large scale production of capitalistic society. According to above the process the land tenure would be changed. As we see, in feudalistic society land system has dual character. So we should have two different view on the land system. One is the view of the possession by self-working, other is the view of alienated worker. In historical perspective, the land possession by self-working had been developed by rejecting the feudalistic land system.
      The socio-economic conditions of peasants has been regulated many aspects, for example, land tenure, social status and the organization of agricultural production.
      In the middle period of Koryo dynasty, the land system called 'chon-shikoa' began to collapse. So the scop of this thesis is limited to early Koryo Dinasty.
      In chapter Ⅱ, I have viewed the preceding works on the socio-economic conditions of the peasants in Koryo dynasty and made a criticism on them.
      In chapterⅢ, the study on the socio-economic conditions of the common peasants has been made; in positive aspects it is necessary to appreciate completely the concept chong(丁) for understanding the socio-economic history of Koryo dinasty. 'Chong' means not only an adult man but an established area of arable land or arable land itself. And it an essential element to understand the chong on which socio-economic and military institutions have been established. From a comparative view of socio-economic, 'chong' is similar to 'virgate' or 'Hufe' which is a typical holding of villein mediaval society of Europe.
      The state had given a typical household of common peasants one 'chong', that is, an established area of arable land,
      Full 'chong' was seventeen kyol which is equal to about thirty acres. Comparing with about two acres of average landholding of present peasant, full 'chong' is too large to think it as a typical holding of common peasants in Koryo dynasty. At that fimne, the method of the land use was different from present one. On account fo the lack of manure the land should be followed in one year or two yeas for the recovery of land fertility. It is similar to the medieval western Europe in which the use of land was three field system. However, it is important for us recognize the fact that the fallow of land is not to mean simply to dispose land in natural state. The peasants should reserve the land in culture for recovery of land fertility. Also the land productivity was much lower than the present, about three times, On the other hand the labor productivity was very very lower than the present, about nine times. And natural catastrophe was very severe. In such situation, the paternal extended family system and village community could secure the living and production of the peasants. And then the dynasty had utilized both systems mentioned above for collecting feudal land tax. But the unit of agricultural production was the paterna extended family. Therefore the nature of productive process is individualistic one.
      In Koryo dinasty a common peasant, 'chongho' was received 'min-chon', 'folk land', from the state on the condition of the contribution of some services and land tax. 'min-chon' was called otherwise 'kong-chon', 'public Land', but in fact the cultivator of 'min-chon' is a peasant proprietor. They were the fundamental elements of Koryo dinasty. However, all the peasants were not 'chong-ho'. Some of them were 'baek-chong' who were not received 'min-chon'. They can hold of arable land by eclaiming waste land. Some of them were sharecroppers of 'sa-chon' which have been given the nobility. They also had to contribute a labour services to the state.
      In chapterⅣ, the socio-economic conditions of specific peasants of early Koryo dinasty has been studied, thhre were 'no-bee' who were slave in social status. Especially the administrative districts were divided according to the social status. Therefore there were many titles of districts, for example, 'chu', 'gun', 'hyn', hyang', 'so', 'bookok' 'cheo' 'and' 'chang'. Among them 'chu', 'gun', and 'hun' were common administrative districts. 'So' was the region of the handicraftmen who had to contribute their products to the ruler of them.
      'Bookok' and 'hyand' were humble districts in social status. Their origin was the penalty of the rebellion by someone of the administartive districts. It is supposed that the men of that district were not mobilized as soldier, so that their labor services to the state was very severe. Of course the peasants of 'bookok' had to pay land tax. 'Cheo' and 'chang' wete similar to the manor in medeval Europe, and they were subijected to king' a palace, Buddhistic temples, and nobility. The peasants of them had to contribute land tax, labor services and other contributions.
      As said above, here were so many different social status in the peasants, but in socio-economic aspects we can find a common factor which is essential in feudalistic society. In feudal society, the landlords exploited a direcr producer through the possession of land and by non-economic power, that is, a feudalistic land system.
      The reason why Koryo dynasty had divided the country into the minor administrative districts according to the social status is that the dynasty aims to govern the people seperately for efficient administration purpose. Similar phenomenon were in Japanese premodern society.
      In historical perspective, the increase of land productivity and labor productivity through the change of the method of land use, the paterial extended family system had transformed to the nuclear family system, and the village community had been changed in the nature.
      In the Reform of Land at the end of Koryo dynasty and the beginning of Lee dynasty, the private land property had been settled by the growth of peasant proprietorship.
      In short, from the middle period of Koryo dynasty the state feudalistic society had changing to the private feudalistic society.

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      목차 (Table of Contents)

      • 第一章 序 論
      • 第一節 問題提起
      • 第二節 硏究方法과 硏究範圍
      • 第二章 硏究史的 檢討
      • 第一節 解放以前의 연구
      • 第一章 序 論
      • 第一節 問題提起
      • 第二節 硏究方法과 硏究範圍
      • 第二章 硏究史的 檢討
      • 第一節 解放以前의 연구
      • 第二節 解放以後의 연구
      • 第三章 一般農民의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第一節 序 言
      • 第二節 田紫科體制의 認識을 위한 基本問題
      • 第三節 田紫科體制의 基礎호서의 民田의 性格
      • 第四節 民田과 公·私田
      • 第五節 白丁의 起源과 그의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第六節 一般農民의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第四章 特殊農民의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第一節 序 言
      • 第二節 部曲·莊·處 所屬農民의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第三節 通度寺「事蹟記」에 보이는 直干의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第四節 奴婢의 社會經濟的 性格
      • 第五章 結 論
      • 參考文獻
      • 論旨要約(英文)
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