This research aims to understand the nature of historical change via a compound analysis derived from the intersection of theories of stratification (in so far as they relate to the trajectory of the middle class), and theories of generational change....
This research aims to understand the nature of historical change via a compound analysis derived from the intersection of theories of stratification (in so far as they relate to the trajectory of the middle class), and theories of generational change.
In contemporary Korean society, one particular segment of the middle class that is at once relatively young and well educated, has the distinctive characteristics of identifying itself with the interests of the general populace at large, (in this sense holding a universalistic orientation), at the same time as having grown to maturity as a generational grouping through the crucible of participation in diverse forms of social activism. This segment of the middle class we will henceforth designate as the "middling grassroots."
To refine our subject matter still further, the subset of the middling grassroots, which has been labelled the "386 generation," holds in common the unique fact that it has developed a relatively stable self-identity and a strong sense of solidarity through common experience of action in response to adverse circumstances, (which we alluded to above), and in this sense it would be mistaken to merely understand the 386 generation simply in the manner of a statistical age cohort or neutral category. In short, this social grouping holds a widely recognized social position as being a reform oriented segment of the middle class, in addition to its age based generational status.
The 386 generation holds in common a concern for protecting and improving the rights of labor and social minorities, advocating for excluded social groups and the economically impoverished, in addition to being committed to gender equality in the workplace.
When considering interaction between different age-cohorts, we particularly discern the need for comparative research that might clarify the similarities and differences between the middling grassroots, (who are in their 30s), and the digital generation (in their 20s and below) who have differentially experienced recent social transformations. This research has drawn attention to such latent transformations.
In understanding underlying transformations in Korean society, it is imperative that we pay attention to the dialectical interaction between changes in the consciousness of different age groups and shifts in the underlying social structure. In this regard, the high level of maintenance of social cohesion and solidarity evident in the generation that reached maturity against the background of "people's culture" in the 1980's (despite their widely divergent life trajectories) is something that is both noteworthy and important, especially when juxtaposed against a wider comparison with Western and Japanese societies.
This research proposes that the 30-somethings of today have acquired a distinctive post-conventional ethical orientation as a consequence of having experienced university life and activism in the 1980s, and that not only have they retained such a post-conventional orientation despite entry into mainstream society, but that this generation has passed the nucleus of its world-view to the digital generation that has followed it. This research has, through the course of collecting primary materials (longitudinal depth interviews) relating to both the middling grassroots generation and the digital generation, not only gathered definitive data relating to this research area, but has thenceforth been enabled to conduct a definitive analysis of societal change in contemporary Korea. In the second year of this research project, it remains to analyze the primary materials that have been collected, in the process verifying the preliminary results of the cross-sectional analysis that have been conducted to date.