This study sought to analyze the impact of economic inequality on lethal violence, using the Integrated Model of Suicide and Homicide as a theoretical framework. This model views suicide and homicide as forms of lethal violence, emphasizing their simi...
This study sought to analyze the impact of economic inequality on lethal violence, using the Integrated Model of Suicide and Homicide as a theoretical framework. This model views suicide and homicide as forms of lethal violence, emphasizing their similarity as violent acts that result in the death of the individual or others and it suggests that socio-structural problems, such as economic inequality, may lead to lethal violence through individual frustration and stress. More specifically, the study focused on two objectives: first, to analyze the moderating effect of meritocracy on the relationship between economic inequality and lethal violence, and second, to examine economic inequality by differentiating between income inequality and wealth inequality, measuring them through the top 10% share of income and wealth.
To achieve these objectives, this research constructed a panel dataset using 20 years of data (2000–2019) from 40 countries and conducted empirical analysis. The key findings are as follows:
First, both income inequality and wealth inequality significantly affected lethal violence. Specifically, economic inequality was positively correlated with homicide rates, and when considering the moderating effect of meritocracy, higher levels of meritocratic beliefs intensified homicide rates as economic inequality increased. These findings underscore the complex relationship between economic inequality, lethal violence, and meritocracy.
Second, income inequality had a stronger impact on lethal violence than wealth inequality. This suggests that analyzing the relationship between economic inequality and lethal violence will be more effective by primarily focusing on income inequality. Additionally, it implies that there is a diffrence between the actual structure and operation of economic inequality and how individuals perceive it.
Based on these findings, the study proposed social policy interventions to address lethal violence, such as reforming tax policies to reduce economic inequality and strengthening the social safety net through mental health services and national social welfare systems.
However, this study has several limitations. First, the number of countries analyzed was limited to 40 due to difficulty in collecting consistent data across countries. Second, some variables used for analysis did not fully represent the original concepts. Lastly, the study may be susceptible to ecological fallacy in its methodology and interpretation. Future research should address these limitations by expanding the number of countries analyzed, using alternative data sources or estimation methods to measure each concept more precisely, and applying multi-level analysis to avoid ecological fallacies.
Despite these limitations, this study is significant in that it empirically examined the relationship between economic inequality and lethal violence using an Integrated Model of Suicide and Homicide, reflected contemporary patterns of economic inequality, such as the top 10% share of income and wealth, and considered the influence of meritocracy on this relationship. Future research should address these limitations to foster deeper discussions on lethal violence.