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      대불(大佛)로서의 운강 담요오굴 재고(再考) = Reassessing the Five Caves of Tanyao at Yungang Grotto as the Colossal Buddha

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      This paper attempts to reassess the meaning and function of so-called Five Caves of Tanyao (hereafter Caves) built at the Yungang Grotto in the late fifth century CE. Individually enshrining gigantic statues measuring thirteen to seventeen meters high, the Caves have enjoyed a great deal of scholarly attention over the past century. As they were understood as the visual embodiment of the essence of Northern Wei Buddhism that is often characterized by the famous notion that the “Emperor is the living Tathāgata,” the major issue with regard to the Caves has been centered on the identification of the relationship between the five caves and the five Emperors from Taizu. In the face of the dominant interest, the fact that they were the first colossal statues ever created in China has rarely been discussed in terms of their art historical and religious sense. This paper pays attention to the unusual size of the statues in the Caves, along with other two significant sizes chosen in the series of Buddhist image-making by Emperor Wencheng (r. 452-465). Before Tanyao suggested to Emperor Wencheng to build cave temples at Wuzhou mountain in 460, the Northern Wei emperor had a stone image that should be in the likeness of himself fashioned in 452. Two years later, he ordered to have five gilt-bronze images of Śākyamuni cast, all sixteen feet high, on behalf of the five Emperors from Taizu. By investigating the origin and meaning of the three different sizes―identical to the emperor’s body, sixteen-foot, and colossal―chosen for Buddha images made before and after Wencheng’s reign, this paper argues that the choice of particular sizes in the making of Buddhist images was a serious matter, full of religious and historical connotations. Furthermore, it proposes that the gigantic size was chosen by Tanyao, or Emperor Wencheng, in the diverse backgrounds that cannot be limited to the often-mentioned foreign influence. In addition to the active exchanges between the West and the Northern Wei, this paper argues that the motivation for ancestor worship based on the Tuoba identity served as one of the significant factors in the making of the colossal statues at Yungang
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      This paper attempts to reassess the meaning and function of so-called Five Caves of Tanyao (hereafter Caves) built at the Yungang Grotto in the late fifth century CE. Individually enshrining gigantic statues measuring thirteen to seventeen meters high...

      This paper attempts to reassess the meaning and function of so-called Five Caves of Tanyao (hereafter Caves) built at the Yungang Grotto in the late fifth century CE. Individually enshrining gigantic statues measuring thirteen to seventeen meters high, the Caves have enjoyed a great deal of scholarly attention over the past century. As they were understood as the visual embodiment of the essence of Northern Wei Buddhism that is often characterized by the famous notion that the “Emperor is the living Tathāgata,” the major issue with regard to the Caves has been centered on the identification of the relationship between the five caves and the five Emperors from Taizu. In the face of the dominant interest, the fact that they were the first colossal statues ever created in China has rarely been discussed in terms of their art historical and religious sense. This paper pays attention to the unusual size of the statues in the Caves, along with other two significant sizes chosen in the series of Buddhist image-making by Emperor Wencheng (r. 452-465). Before Tanyao suggested to Emperor Wencheng to build cave temples at Wuzhou mountain in 460, the Northern Wei emperor had a stone image that should be in the likeness of himself fashioned in 452. Two years later, he ordered to have five gilt-bronze images of Śākyamuni cast, all sixteen feet high, on behalf of the five Emperors from Taizu. By investigating the origin and meaning of the three different sizes―identical to the emperor’s body, sixteen-foot, and colossal―chosen for Buddha images made before and after Wencheng’s reign, this paper argues that the choice of particular sizes in the making of Buddhist images was a serious matter, full of religious and historical connotations. Furthermore, it proposes that the gigantic size was chosen by Tanyao, or Emperor Wencheng, in the diverse backgrounds that cannot be limited to the often-mentioned foreign influence. In addition to the active exchanges between the West and the Northern Wei, this paper argues that the motivation for ancestor worship based on the Tuoba identity served as one of the significant factors in the making of the colossal statues at Yungang

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 "歷代名畵記"

      2 양은경, "중국 운강석굴 상부 북위불교사원지의 가람배치와 동서문화 교류" 한국상고사학회 92 (92): 63-94, 2016

      3 김세정, "장육불(丈六佛)의 기원과 고대 중국 불교미술에서의 전개" 중앙아시아학회 25 (25): 25-58, 2020

      4 박아림, "유라시아 초원 문화의 정수 몽골 미술" 학연문화사 2020

      5 주경미, "양 무제의 아육왕 전승 구현과 고대 동남아시아" 인문학연구원 (67) : 3-47, 2012

      6 최진열, "북위황제 순행과 호환사회" 서울대학교 출판문화원 2011

      7 이병호, "부여 정림사지" 국립부여박물관 180-196, 2015

      8 윤형원, "몽골 석인상의 편년과 상징성에 대한 일고찰" 중앙아시아학회 11 : 197-209, 2006

      9 김세정, "고대 동아시아 삼국의 장육불(丈六佛) 연구" 명지대학교대학원 2020

      10 박아림, "고구려 고분벽화 유라시아문화를 품다" 학연문화사 2015

      1 "歷代名畵記"

      2 양은경, "중국 운강석굴 상부 북위불교사원지의 가람배치와 동서문화 교류" 한국상고사학회 92 (92): 63-94, 2016

      3 김세정, "장육불(丈六佛)의 기원과 고대 중국 불교미술에서의 전개" 중앙아시아학회 25 (25): 25-58, 2020

      4 박아림, "유라시아 초원 문화의 정수 몽골 미술" 학연문화사 2020

      5 주경미, "양 무제의 아육왕 전승 구현과 고대 동남아시아" 인문학연구원 (67) : 3-47, 2012

      6 최진열, "북위황제 순행과 호환사회" 서울대학교 출판문화원 2011

      7 이병호, "부여 정림사지" 국립부여박물관 180-196, 2015

      8 윤형원, "몽골 석인상의 편년과 상징성에 대한 일고찰" 중앙아시아학회 11 : 197-209, 2006

      9 김세정, "고대 동아시아 삼국의 장육불(丈六佛) 연구" 명지대학교대학원 2020

      10 박아림, "고구려 고분벽화 유라시아문화를 품다" 학연문화사 2015

      11 塚本善隆, "魏書釋老志の硏究" 佛敎文化硏究所出版部 1961

      12 "魏書"

      13 이종봉, "韓․中․日 古代時期 度量衡制 比較 硏究" 부경역사연구소 (38) : 215-268, 2016

      14 최진열, "雲崗石窟 曇曜五窟 五帝의 재해석―廟號와 國號로 본 北魏의 정체성―" 중앙아시아학회 10 : 1-23, 2005

      15 雲岡石窟硏究院, "雲岡石窟窟頂西區北魏佛敎寺院遺址" (4) : 2016

      16 彭明浩, "雲岡石窟的營造工程" 文物出版社 2017

      17 岡村秀典, "雲岡石窟の考古學: 遊牧國家の巨石佛をさぐる" 臨川書店 2018

      18 吉村怜, "雲岡 ‧ 曇曜五窟の大佛" 295 : 33-58, 2007

      19 奧健夫, "美術史家、大いに笑う: 河野元昭先生のための日本美術史論集" ブリュッケ 431-452, 2006

      20 "水經注"

      21 한정호, "東아시아 古代 佛殿의 規模와 佛像의 相關性 硏究" 동아시아문물연구소 24 (24): 1-32, 2013

      22 宮治昭, "東大寺のすべて" 奈良國立博物館 22-26, 2002

      23 李裕群, "晋阳西山大佛和童子寺大佛的初步考察" 1 : 14-28, 1998

      24 "晉書"

      25 소현숙, "新羅 皇龍寺 丈六像의 淵源과 性格 -6세기 중국 南北朝時代 ‘政治的 瑞像’과 比較分析을 통한 연구" 한국고대학회 (37) : 5-30, 2012

      26 小野勝年, "新昌ㆍ石城寺とその彌勒像—江南巨大石佛の史的遍歷" 163 : 11-27, 1985

      27 常盤大定‧, "支那佛敎史蹟評解 2" 佛敎史蹟硏究會 1926

      28 塚本善隆, "支那佛敎史硏究 北魏編" 弘文堂書房 219-225, 1942

      29 塚本善隆, "支那佛敎史硏究 北魏篇" 清水弘文堂 1969

      30 "宋書"

      31 "太平御覽"

      32 李裕群, "太原市龙山童子寺遗址发掘简报" 43-56, 2010

      33 長廣敏雄, "大同石佛藝術論" 高桐書院 1946

      34 宮治昭, "大佛の出現—ダレルとバミヤ―ンの大佛を中心に" 295 : 9-32, 2007

      35 주경미, "吳越國王 錢鏐의 寧波 阿育王塔 공양과 그 의의" 중국사학회 (77) : 35-69, 2012

      36 石松日奈子, "北魏佛敎造像史の硏究" Brucke 2005

      37 고혜련, "北魏 정통성과 王卽佛 사상의 구현" 한국고대학회 (37) : 31-61, 2012

      38 구범진, "北魏 拓跋族의 祭天儀式에 대한 일고찰" 22 : 1-19, 1998

      39 肥田路美, "初唐佛敎美術の硏究" 中央公論美術出版 177-213, 2011

      40 杭侃, "云冈第20窟西壁坍塌的时间与昙曜五窟最初的布局设计" 55-63, 1994

      41 金申, "中國歷代紀年佛像圖典" 文物出版社 1994

      42 宿白, "中國石窟寺硏究" 文物出版社 76-88, 1996

      43 宿白, "中國石窟寺硏究" 文物出版社 176-199, 1996

      44 宿白, "中國石窟寺硏究" 文物出版社 114-144, 1996

      45 雲岡石窟文物保管所, "中國石窟 雲岡石窟 1, 2" 平凡社 1989

      46 松原三郞, "中國佛敎彫刻史論" 吉川弘文館 1995

      47 박한제, "『제국으로 가는 긴 여정』 3 북조‧수‧초당시대" 사계절 2003

      48 전영섭, "『위서(魏書)』 「석로지(釋老志)」 譯註" 8 : 229-305, 2000

      49 "『高僧傳』 T2059 *T는 『大正新修大藏經』 수록번호를 뜻함"

      50 水野淸一, "『雲岡石窟』 全16卷 32冊" 京都大學校 人文科學硏究所 1951

      51 "『集神州三寶感通錄』 T2106"

      52 "『辯正論』 T2110"

      53 "『觀佛三昧海經』 T643"

      54 "『續高僧傳』 T2060"

      55 "『法顯傳』 T2085"

      56 "『法苑珠林』 T2122"

      57 "『彌勒來時經』 T457"

      58 "『彌勒大成佛經』 T456"

      59 "『彌勒下生成佛經』 T454"

      60 "『廣弘明集』 T2103"

      61 "『大唐西域記』 T2087"

      62 "『名僧傳抄』 X1523 *X는 『卍新纂大日本續藏經』 수록번호를 뜻함"

      63 "『出三藏記集』 T2145"

      64 "『佛祖統紀』 T2035"

      65 曾布川寬, "『世界美術大全集』 東洋編 3 三國‧南北朝" 小學館 2000

      66 肥塚隆, "『世界美術大全集』 東洋編 13 インド (1)" 小學館 2000

      67 Yi, Joy Lidu, "Yungang: Art, History, Archaeology, Liturgy" Routledge 2018

      68 Caswell, James O., "Written and Unwritten: Buddhist Caves at Yungang" University of British Columbia Press 1988

      69 김혜원, "Why a Sixteen-foot Buddha? Rethinking the Main Icon of Hwangnyong Temple and Its Materiality" 한국학연구원 23 (23): 1-22, 2020

      70 Tseng, Chin-yin, "The Making of the Tuoba Northern Wei: Constructing Material Cultural Expressions in the Northern Wei Pingcheng Period (398~494 CE)" University of Oxford 2012

      71 Knauer, Elfriede Regina, "The Fifth Century A.D. Buddhist Cave Temples at Yun-kang, North China" 25 (25): 27-47, 1983

      72 Ha, Jungmin, "Shaping Religious and Cultural Aspiration: Engraved Sutras in Southwestern Shandong Province from the Northern Qi Dynasty (550~557 CE), China" Duke University 2016

      73 Soper, Alexander C., "Literary Evidence for Early Buddhist Art in China" Artibus Asiae Publishers 1959

      74 Soper, Alexander C., "Imperial Cave-Chapels of the Northern Dynasties: Donors, Beneficiaries, Dates" 28 (28): 241-270, 1966

      75 Zhang, Fan, "Cultural Encounters: Ethnic Complexity and Material Expression in Fifth-century Pingcheng, China" New York University 2018

      76 Wong, Dorothy C., "Colossal Buddha Statues along the Silk Road" 4 (4): 1-27, 2019

      77 Lin Wei-cheng, "Building a Sacred Mountain: The Buddhist Architecture of China’s Mount Wutai" University of Washington Press 2014

      78 姜熺靜, "<書評> 石松日奈子, 北魏佛敎造像史の硏究 & Dorothy Wong, Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form" 중국사학회 (46) : 337-353, 2007

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