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      Sonority-based Approach to KoreanLiquid Alternation

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A105080121

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      This study aims to provide a new approach to Korean liquid alternation. Liquid segments are not contrastive in Korean. In other words, flaps and laterals are allophones which are automatically selected by their phonological environment. For example, lateral [l] is selected in coda position as in [tal] “moon” and [mol.le] “secretly” while flap [r] is pronounced in intervocalic position as in [ta.ri] “moon+NOM.” and [mo.re] “sand”. Interestingly, nasal [n] which is contrastive to liquids is selected in the other positions like word initial position and onset after closed syllable except [l] in coda: e.g. [na.kwən] “paradise”, [hjaŋ.nak] “pleasure” (from [lak] means “enjoy”). A number of proposals have been advanced to account for this phenomenon. Nevertheless, they are unsuccessful because they cannot capture the essential nature of the alternation. This study shows that this state of affairs can best be captured by the interaction of the two markedness constraint families based on the sonority scale, within the framework of Optimality Theory.
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      This study aims to provide a new approach to Korean liquid alternation. Liquid segments are not contrastive in Korean. In other words, flaps and laterals are allophones which are automatically selected by their phonological environment. For example, l...

      This study aims to provide a new approach to Korean liquid alternation. Liquid segments are not contrastive in Korean. In other words, flaps and laterals are allophones which are automatically selected by their phonological environment. For example, lateral [l] is selected in coda position as in [tal] “moon” and [mol.le] “secretly” while flap [r] is pronounced in intervocalic position as in [ta.ri] “moon+NOM.” and [mo.re] “sand”. Interestingly, nasal [n] which is contrastive to liquids is selected in the other positions like word initial position and onset after closed syllable except [l] in coda: e.g. [na.kwən] “paradise”, [hjaŋ.nak] “pleasure” (from [lak] means “enjoy”). A number of proposals have been advanced to account for this phenomenon. Nevertheless, they are unsuccessful because they cannot capture the essential nature of the alternation. This study shows that this state of affairs can best be captured by the interaction of the two markedness constraint families based on the sonority scale, within the framework of Optimality Theory.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 박인규, "Variation in Korean Speakersʼ Production of English Stop-Nasal Sequences: Constraint-Based Approaches" 한국중원언어학회 (26) : 95-110, 2013

      2 Iverson, G. K, "Theoretical Issues in Korean Linguistics" CSLI 77-100, 1994

      3 Davis, S, "The Syllable Contact Constraint in Korean: An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis" 8 : 285-312, 1999

      4 Smith, J, "The Sonority Controversy" Walter de Gruyter 167-194, 2012

      5 Ortmann, A., "The Phonology and Morphology of Germanic Languages" Niemeyer 51-76, 1999

      6 de Lacy, Paul V, "The Formal Expression of Markedness" UMass Amherst 2002

      7 Leben, W, "Suprasegmental Phonology" MIT 1973

      8 Prince, A., "Stringency and Anti-Paninian Hierarchies" Handout from LSA Summer Institute 1997

      9 Vennemann, T., "Preference Laws for Syllable Structure" Mouton de Gruyter 1988

      10 Prince, A, "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar" Blackwell Publishing 2004

      1 박인규, "Variation in Korean Speakersʼ Production of English Stop-Nasal Sequences: Constraint-Based Approaches" 한국중원언어학회 (26) : 95-110, 2013

      2 Iverson, G. K, "Theoretical Issues in Korean Linguistics" CSLI 77-100, 1994

      3 Davis, S, "The Syllable Contact Constraint in Korean: An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis" 8 : 285-312, 1999

      4 Smith, J, "The Sonority Controversy" Walter de Gruyter 167-194, 2012

      5 Ortmann, A., "The Phonology and Morphology of Germanic Languages" Niemeyer 51-76, 1999

      6 de Lacy, Paul V, "The Formal Expression of Markedness" UMass Amherst 2002

      7 Leben, W, "Suprasegmental Phonology" MIT 1973

      8 Prince, A., "Stringency and Anti-Paninian Hierarchies" Handout from LSA Summer Institute 1997

      9 Vennemann, T., "Preference Laws for Syllable Structure" Mouton de Gruyter 1988

      10 Prince, A, "Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar" Blackwell Publishing 2004

      11 Iverson, G. K, "On Word-Initial Avoidance in Korean" 2 : 377-393, 1987

      12 Smith, J., "Markedness and Liquid Alternations in Korean: Implications for the Representation of Ambisyllabicity" 1997

      13 Kim-Renaud, Y.-K, "Korean Consonantal Phonology" University of Hawaii 1974

      14 Lee, Y, "Japanese/Korean Linguistics" Stanford University 303-314, 2001

      15 Uffmann, C, "Intrusive [r] and Optimal Epenthetic Consonants" 29 : 451-476, 2007

      16 McCarthy, J, "Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity" 18 : 249-384, 1995

      17 박창범, "Ambisyllabicity of an Intervocalic Velar Nasal in English and Korean" 한국중원언어학회 (34) : 77-92, 2015

      18 McCarthy, J, "A Case of Surface Constraint Violation" 38 : 169-195, 1993

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      학술지 이력

      학술지 이력
      연월일 이력구분 이력상세 등재구분
      2026 평가예정 재인증평가 신청대상 (재인증)
      2020-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (재인증) KCI등재
      2017-01-01 평가 등재학술지 유지 (계속평가) KCI등재
      2013-11-22 학회명변경 영문명 : The Joong Won Linguistic Society Of Korea -> The Joongwon Linguistic Society of Korea KCI등재
      2013-01-01 평가 등재학술지 선정 (등재후보2차) KCI등재
      2012-01-01 평가 등재후보 1차 PASS (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2011-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 유지 (등재후보1차) KCI등재후보
      2009-01-01 평가 등재후보학술지 선정 (신규평가) KCI등재후보
      2008-05-14 학회명변경 한글명 : 중원언어학회 -> 한국중원언어학회
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      학술지 인용정보

      학술지 인용정보
      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 0.52 0.52 0.53
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      0.55 0.51 0.864 0.19
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