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      ‘조선통’ 세키야 데이자부로 (関屋貞三郎)와 조선통치 = Sekiya Teizaburo, A “Korea Expert,” and Colonial Rule of Korea

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A109751611

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract) kakao i 다국어 번역

      As Director of the Bureau of Education in the Government-General of Korea, Sekiya Teizaburo was initially optimistic about the potential for “assimilation” through education. However, after witnessing the intense nationalism displayed by the Korean people during the March 1st Movement, he adopted a more cautious stance toward assimilation policies.
      Later, upon his appointment as Vice Grand Chamberlain, Sekiya became one of Emperor Hirohito’s closest aides, overseeing imperial household affairs. In this role, he gradually distanced himself from Korean affairs in his official capacity.
      After serving as Vice Grand Chamberlain for twelve years, Sekiya reengaged with Korean issues when he assumed the position of Executive Director of the Central Association of Korea (Chuo Chosen Kyokai).
      Following the appointment of Minami Jiro as Governor-General of Korea, the policy of transforming Koreans into loyal imperial subjects (kominka) was aggressively promoted. This brought contentious issues — such as the forced participation in Shinto shrine worship at Christian schools and the closure of those institutions — to the forefront. Sekiya closely monitored the situation and initially took a critical stance against the coercive enforcement of shrine worship. However, after Yun Chi-ho submitted to the Government-General following the suppression of the Heungeop Club, and the Presbyterian Church agreed to comply with shrine worship, Sekiya considered the issue resolved and ceased voicing objections.
      Meanwhile, in 1940, conflicts arose between Sekiya and GovernorGeneral Minami over the forced closure of the Dong-A Ilbo newspaper and the coercion of Koreans to adopt Japanese-style names (soshi-kaimei).
      Although Sekiya fundamentally supported the kominka policy, he opposed its radical implementation, warning that such measures could provoke a second March 1st Movement. He advocated for a more gradual approach and raised objections with the Government-General, but Minami ignored his warnings and pushed the policy forward. Sekiya’s position could be interpreted as that of a pragmatic colonial official, shaped by his firsthand experience of the powerful and resilient nationalism expressed by Koreans during the March 1st Movement.
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      As Director of the Bureau of Education in the Government-General of Korea, Sekiya Teizaburo was initially optimistic about the potential for “assimilation” through education. However, after witnessing the intense nationalism displayed by the Korea...

      As Director of the Bureau of Education in the Government-General of Korea, Sekiya Teizaburo was initially optimistic about the potential for “assimilation” through education. However, after witnessing the intense nationalism displayed by the Korean people during the March 1st Movement, he adopted a more cautious stance toward assimilation policies.
      Later, upon his appointment as Vice Grand Chamberlain, Sekiya became one of Emperor Hirohito’s closest aides, overseeing imperial household affairs. In this role, he gradually distanced himself from Korean affairs in his official capacity.
      After serving as Vice Grand Chamberlain for twelve years, Sekiya reengaged with Korean issues when he assumed the position of Executive Director of the Central Association of Korea (Chuo Chosen Kyokai).
      Following the appointment of Minami Jiro as Governor-General of Korea, the policy of transforming Koreans into loyal imperial subjects (kominka) was aggressively promoted. This brought contentious issues — such as the forced participation in Shinto shrine worship at Christian schools and the closure of those institutions — to the forefront. Sekiya closely monitored the situation and initially took a critical stance against the coercive enforcement of shrine worship. However, after Yun Chi-ho submitted to the Government-General following the suppression of the Heungeop Club, and the Presbyterian Church agreed to comply with shrine worship, Sekiya considered the issue resolved and ceased voicing objections.
      Meanwhile, in 1940, conflicts arose between Sekiya and GovernorGeneral Minami over the forced closure of the Dong-A Ilbo newspaper and the coercion of Koreans to adopt Japanese-style names (soshi-kaimei).
      Although Sekiya fundamentally supported the kominka policy, he opposed its radical implementation, warning that such measures could provoke a second March 1st Movement. He advocated for a more gradual approach and raised objections with the Government-General, but Minami ignored his warnings and pushed the policy forward. Sekiya’s position could be interpreted as that of a pragmatic colonial official, shaped by his firsthand experience of the powerful and resilient nationalism expressed by Koreans during the March 1st Movement.

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