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      조선시대 銀 유통과 소비문화 = Silver Circulation and Consumption Culture in the Joseon dynasty

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      https://www.riss.kr/link?id=A104055837

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      다국어 초록 (Multilingual Abstract)

      The influx of Japanese silver had increased since around 1538, reached its height in the late 17th century, then decreased from the turn of the century, and ceased in around 1753. Most of silver in Joseon[朝鮮] Korea including domestically produced silver as well as that from Japan was used for the import from China, mostly silk products. The massive influx of Japanese silver made silver function as a currency since the 17th century. However, their function as a currency withered as the inflow of silver from Japan fell sharply during the early 18th century. Before port-opening to Western countries[開港], Korea’s silver trade has not encountered with any other countries except Japan and China. Therefore, world system approach is not necessary to understand the silver circulation in Korea.
      Locked in the Malthus trap, ordinary people in the Joseon dynasty barely managed their life by consuming some necessity goods at most. Only the rich enjoyed their luxury consumption. During the Joseon dynasty the custom of luxury consumption diffused, but part of those newly entered into the middle class went bankrupt due to indulgence and high consumption. The increasing silver influx enriched consumption pattern in Korea by stimulating market and economic growth, and providing the means of trade with China for luxury goods. Leaded by some elites[士大夫], high and refined consumption behaviors became diffused. The sharp reduction of silver influx in the 18th century did not shrink the luxury consumption, because the growth of market and production partly driven by silver trade had a solid foundation. However, the circulation of silver money did not last owing to the efflux of silver, and Korea could not foster the import substitution industry of high quality silk. This is a reason why the economy could not advance in the 19th century before the port-opening.
      The main discourse about consumption in the Joseon dynasty was respect for frugality and worry about extravagance. Luxury culture in Korea was modest compared with previous dynasties or its neighboring countries. But their attitude toward luxury culture was very negative due to Confucianism. This can explain why Yeonsangun[燕山君], who was not bounded by Confucian teaching, was the only king pushing ahead with an effective substitution policy of high quality Chinese silk. The banning of Chinese silk of high quality[紗羅綾緞] and precious metals[金銀珠玉] that has been frequently practiced until the reign of Jungjong[中宗] became infrequent after the middle 16th century when luxury consumption diffused, because such consumption behaviors were already rooted in the society. A scholar group to study how to increase wealth and welfare [利用厚生學派], emerged in the late 18th century, discussed how to elevate the standard of living and defended high and refined consumption culture beyond the discourse making a sharp distinction between frugality and extravagance.
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      The influx of Japanese silver had increased since around 1538, reached its height in the late 17th century, then decreased from the turn of the century, and ceased in around 1753. Most of silver in Joseon[朝鮮] Korea including domestically produced ...

      The influx of Japanese silver had increased since around 1538, reached its height in the late 17th century, then decreased from the turn of the century, and ceased in around 1753. Most of silver in Joseon[朝鮮] Korea including domestically produced silver as well as that from Japan was used for the import from China, mostly silk products. The massive influx of Japanese silver made silver function as a currency since the 17th century. However, their function as a currency withered as the inflow of silver from Japan fell sharply during the early 18th century. Before port-opening to Western countries[開港], Korea’s silver trade has not encountered with any other countries except Japan and China. Therefore, world system approach is not necessary to understand the silver circulation in Korea.
      Locked in the Malthus trap, ordinary people in the Joseon dynasty barely managed their life by consuming some necessity goods at most. Only the rich enjoyed their luxury consumption. During the Joseon dynasty the custom of luxury consumption diffused, but part of those newly entered into the middle class went bankrupt due to indulgence and high consumption. The increasing silver influx enriched consumption pattern in Korea by stimulating market and economic growth, and providing the means of trade with China for luxury goods. Leaded by some elites[士大夫], high and refined consumption behaviors became diffused. The sharp reduction of silver influx in the 18th century did not shrink the luxury consumption, because the growth of market and production partly driven by silver trade had a solid foundation. However, the circulation of silver money did not last owing to the efflux of silver, and Korea could not foster the import substitution industry of high quality silk. This is a reason why the economy could not advance in the 19th century before the port-opening.
      The main discourse about consumption in the Joseon dynasty was respect for frugality and worry about extravagance. Luxury culture in Korea was modest compared with previous dynasties or its neighboring countries. But their attitude toward luxury culture was very negative due to Confucianism. This can explain why Yeonsangun[燕山君], who was not bounded by Confucian teaching, was the only king pushing ahead with an effective substitution policy of high quality Chinese silk. The banning of Chinese silk of high quality[紗羅綾緞] and precious metals[金銀珠玉] that has been frequently practiced until the reign of Jungjong[中宗] became infrequent after the middle 16th century when luxury consumption diffused, because such consumption behaviors were already rooted in the society. A scholar group to study how to increase wealth and welfare [利用厚生學派], emerged in the late 18th century, discussed how to elevate the standard of living and defended high and refined consumption culture beyond the discourse making a sharp distinction between frugality and extravagance.

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      참고문헌 (Reference)

      1 안대회, "林園經濟志를 통해 본 徐有의 利用厚生學" 한국실학학회 (11) : 47-72, 2006

      2 金東旭, "李朝前期 奢侈禁壓考, in 鄕土서울 21" 서울특별시사편찬위 3-47, 1964

      3 이헌창, "한국 전근대 무역의 類型과 그 변동에 관한 연구" 경제사학회 36 : 83-122, 2004

      4 김문식, "조선후기 지식인의 대외인식" 새문사 2009

      5 유승주, "조선후기 중국과의 무역사" 景仁文化社 2002

      6 조영준, "조선후기 왕실재정의 구조와 규모: 1860년대 1司4宮의 재정수입을 중심으로, in 조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근" 서울대학교 출판문화원 105-134, 2010

      7 이철성, "조선후기 연행무역과 수출입 품목" 한국실학학회 (20) : 29-79, 2010

      8 이헌창, "조선왕조의 經濟統合體制와 그 변화에 관한 연구, in 조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근" 서울대학교출판문화원 439-472, 2010

      9 고동환, "조선시대 서울도시사" 태학사 2007

      10 박기주, "조선 후기의 생활수준, in 새로운 한국경제발전사" 나남출판 69-103, 2005

      1 안대회, "林園經濟志를 통해 본 徐有의 利用厚生學" 한국실학학회 (11) : 47-72, 2006

      2 金東旭, "李朝前期 奢侈禁壓考, in 鄕土서울 21" 서울특별시사편찬위 3-47, 1964

      3 이헌창, "한국 전근대 무역의 類型과 그 변동에 관한 연구" 경제사학회 36 : 83-122, 2004

      4 김문식, "조선후기 지식인의 대외인식" 새문사 2009

      5 유승주, "조선후기 중국과의 무역사" 景仁文化社 2002

      6 조영준, "조선후기 왕실재정의 구조와 규모: 1860년대 1司4宮의 재정수입을 중심으로, in 조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근" 서울대학교 출판문화원 105-134, 2010

      7 이철성, "조선후기 연행무역과 수출입 품목" 한국실학학회 (20) : 29-79, 2010

      8 이헌창, "조선왕조의 經濟統合體制와 그 변화에 관한 연구, in 조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근" 서울대학교출판문화원 439-472, 2010

      9 고동환, "조선시대 서울도시사" 태학사 2007

      10 박기주, "조선 후기의 생활수준, in 새로운 한국경제발전사" 나남출판 69-103, 2005

      11 다시로 가즈이, "왜관" 논형 2005

      12 안대회, "서유구의 『임원경제지』를 통해 본 옛사람의 주거미학, in 산수간에 집을 짓고" 돌베개 2005

      13 박이택, "서울의 숙련 및 미숙련노동자의 임금, 1600-1909, in 수량경제사로 다시 본 조선후기" 서울대학교출판부 41-107, 2004

      14 小葉田淳, "金銀貿易史の硏究" 法政大學出版局 1976

      15 村上隆, "金․銀․銅の日本史" 岩波書店 2007

      16 田代和生, "近世日朝通交貿易史の硏究" 創文社 1981

      17 李宇衍, "農業賃金의 推移: 1853~1910, in 맛질의 농민들" 一潮閣 178-204, 2001

      18 岸本美緖, "東アジアの「近世」" 山川出版社 1998

      19 白性禮, "朝鮮朝의 禁制小考–(2) 奢侈禁制를 中心으로" 漢陽女子專門大學 6 : 213-233, 1983

      20 柳承宙, "朝鮮時代鑛業史硏究" 고려대 출판부 1993

      21 宋贊植, "朝鮮後期 行錢論, in 韓國思想大系 II" 成均館大學校 大同文化硏究院 749-929, 1976

      22 足立啓二, "專制國家と財政ㆍ貨幣, in 中國專制國家と社會統合" 文理閣 119-146, 1990

      23 田代和生, "十七․ 十八世紀東アジア域內交易における日本銀, in アジア交易圈と日本工業化 1500-1900" リプロポート 129-156, 1991

      24 Robert C. Allen, "Wages, prices, and living standards in China, 1723-1925: in comparison with Europe, Japan, and India" 64 : 8-38, 2011

      25 Angus Maddison, "The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective" OECD 2001

      26 Richard Von Glan, "Fountain of Fortune: Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000-1700" University of California Press 1996

      27 김연신, "18세기 조선사회 외래 사치품 紋緞의 소비 확대와 금지정책" 가톨릭대 2002

      28 李佑成, "18세기 서울의 都市的 樣相-燕巖學派‧利用厚生學派의 成立背景" 17 : 7-46, 1963

      29 韓明基, "17세기초 銀의 유통과 그 영향" 15 : 1-36, 1992

      30 韓相權, "16世紀 對中國 私貿易의 展開, in 金哲埈博士華甲紀念史學論叢" 知識産業社 449-485, 1984

      31 李憲昶, "1678-1865년간 貨幣量과 貨幣價値의 推移" 27 : 3-45, 1999

      32 남미혜, "15․16세기 服飾奢侈의 유행과 국가의 대응책-紗羅綾緞을 중심으로" 梨花史學硏究所 27 : 209-235, 2000

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      기준연도 WOS-KCI 통합IF(2년) KCIF(2년) KCIF(3년)
      2016 1.76 1.76 1.35
      KCIF(4년) KCIF(5년) 중심성지수(3년) 즉시성지수
      1.17 0.99 1.779 0.14
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