This study focuses on the changes in North Korea’s socioeconomic conditions under Kim Jong-un and draws upon the implications for South Korea’s policies and inter-Korean economic cooperation. Most of all, analyzing socioeconomic indicators is an i...
This study focuses on the changes in North Korea’s socioeconomic conditions under Kim Jong-un and draws upon the implications for South Korea’s policies and inter-Korean economic cooperation. Most of all, analyzing socioeconomic indicators is an important process as it helps to paint a more precise picture of the realities of the North Korean economy―where data is scarce―and supplements North Korea’s GDP data―which is deemed inaccurate.
Accordingly, the Central Bureau of Statistics DPR Korea and UNICEF’s DPR Korea 2017 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) was used in this study for the following reasons. Firstly, statistics that were compiled during the relevant period are needed to verify the argument that conditions in the North Korean economy have improved since Kim Jong-un’s ascension. Secondly, standardized questions are required to conduct a cross-country comparison of indicators. Thirdly, this study focuses more on indicators that are associated with socioeconomic status such as physical and human capital. Lastly, when it is impossible to secure raw data from a survey, a dataset with various classifications, e.g. gender, age, region, wealth, etc., can be used as an alternative.
The analyses examine the internal changes in socioeconomic status in terms of household assets, energy use, improved water sources and sanitation services, school attendance, educational environment at home and school, and ICT skills, among others. These changes are then compared with those in other developing countries. The results show that North Korean indicators related to physical capital mainly place between lower middle income and upper middle income countries, while those tied to human capital are nearer to high income countries. Also, the overall assessment of North Korea’s socioeconomic status has improved since the 2000s, but the internal gap in terms of age, gender, region, wealth, etc. has widened―which could further exacerbate the polarization. In particular, a serious ‘digital divide’ has been observed, and given that the marketization of the North Korean economy continues to expand, income distribution may be at risk.
The findings above present important policy implications. Firstly, policymakers must keep in mind that North Korea’s socioeconomic indicators are favorable when establishing policies. Indeed, the functioning market mechanism of the informal sector has raised North Korea’s general socioeconomic status beyond our expectations, suggesting that the authorities may not be as desperate for humanitarian aid as they once were. Thus, South Korea’s strategy for inter-Korean cooperation should be upgraded and diversified with the aim of normalizing North Korea’s overall economic system. Secondly, a policy target group should be established. As analyzed above, the socioeconomic gap by region and wealth has widened, further polarizing the people’s lives in Pyongyang and Ryanggang and between the rich and poor. In this regard, South Korea’s policies need to target those groups lagging behind. Thirdly, in the longer-term, North Korea’s ‘digital divide’ requires more attention. Despite numerous studies showing that ICT skills are closely associated with the accumulation of human capital, indicators in North Korea are at a similar level to LDCs. Furthermore, internal gaps have become significantly wider. As such, preemptive efforts must be made to reduce such divides if South Korea’s policy goals are to secure a sustainable economic cooperative relationship with the North. This is because, cooperation that is focused on North Korea’s low labor costs without any regard to enhancing productivity will most surely end in failure in the mid- to long-term, and may even have negative socioeconomic repercussions.